FAQs
Frequently Asked Questions and Answers
The demand for a separate state of Telangana is naturally raising a number of questions. Some are raised out of ignorance, some out of bias and some out of concern for maintaining status quo. In any case these questions need to be answered. Some of them are answered here:
1. Why the issue of separate Telangana is being raised again and again?
The demand of the people of Telangana for a separate state is not a new development. It was voiced much before the formation of Andhra Pradesh and continues to be raised even thereafter. The reason for the resistance of people of Telangana to join Visalandhra was fear of neglect, injustice and exploitation in the enlarged state; and, the reason for their reluctance to continue in the present State is the actual experience of becoming victims of neglect, injustice exploitation.
2. Is it not a bogey raised, off and on, by the disgruntled politicians?
If it were to be so, how could the demand sustain itself for nearly five decades? Opportunistic elements do infiltrate in to any movement of the people; but such aberrations cannot undermine, every time, the genuine aspirations of the people. When formulations ranging from the extreme left to the extreme right of the political spectrum support the demand for a separate state, in some form or the other, does it not reflect popular urge of the people? Can it be brushed aside for ever? What about the voice being constantly raised by the intelligentsia, practitioners of learned professions, students and youth who do not have any vested interests in practical politics? Is it of no consequence? Can it be ignored just like that?
3. Is there no alternative to the demand for a separate state?
All possible alternatives have already been experimented with – The Gentlemen’s Agreement, The All Party Accord, The Eight Point Formula, The Five Point Formula, The Six Point Formula and what not? Were they not experiments to safeguard the interests of Telangana within the integrated state of Andhra Pradesh? Has any of these agreements been implemented? Has any of these solemn pledges been redeemed? Has any of the judicial pronouncements, including the verdict of Supreme Court of India, been honoured? Now, what else is left to be further experimented with?
4. What did the Chief Ministers who belonged to this region do while they were in power?
P. V. Narasimha Rao, M. Chenna Reddy and T. Anjaiah did become Chief Ministers of the state. But what was the tenure of all of them put together? It was hardly 5 ½ years, in the State’s history of 54 years; that too, in bits and pieces - to be precise - in four spells and each spell spanning a few months. It should be noted that J. Vengal Rao was a migrant from Coastal area. He never came out of his moorings and he never identified himself with the hopes and aspirations of people of Telangana. Some of his decisions caused immense damage to the region.
P. V. Narasimha Rao made a feeble attempt in 1972 to implement the verdict of Supreme Court validating the Mulki Rules. The verdict was in favour of Telangana. But the reaction from the other regions was so instantaneous and so wild that in the process P. V. Narasimha Rao lost his Chief Minister ship and the Telangana region lost all its safeguards. Even the verdict of the highest judicial authority of the country was nullified. M. Chenna Reddy known as a strong man of his times, was hounded out by communal violence instigated and organized by Y.S. Rajasekhar Reddy.
This can happen to any leader from Telangana in that position. Because, their survival depends upon the support of the area which has a numerical majority in the political setup and has greater money power to influence the political process and administrative machinery. The problem, therefore, lies essentially in the nature of political equations between the developed and backward regions, and not necessarily in the persons holding positions of power. The fact is that no political party allows the Telangana leadership to grow; and by any chance it grows, it will not be allowed to survive. The States Reorganization Commission eloquently commented upon this aspect.
Even if it is assumed that the leaders of a region becoming chief ministers can contribute to the development of that region, then why do the people of Rayalaseema complain of backwardness? This State has been ruled for more than two and a half decades by the chief ministers hailing from that region. And, that too, not by ordinary men, but by stalwarts like N. Sanjeeva Reddy (twice), D. Sanjeevaiah, K. Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy (twice) and N. Chandrababu Naidu (twice) and Y. S. Rajasekhar Reddy (more than once).
5. Rayalaseema and North Coastal Andhra also are backward. What is so special about Telangana to ask for a separate state on this score?
It is true that these two regions also are relatively backward. They too have been, like Telangana, victims of neglect. But Telangana has an additional problem i.e. exploitation in the form of diversion of its resources, which legitimately belong to it, for the development of other regions. Best - or worst - examples are diversion of river waters, coal and other natural resources, financial resources, employment opportunities and so on. This has been going on unabated. The other two regions do not have such problem. That Rayalaseema is relatively better developed than Telangana in several aspects, especially education, is a different story. So is the case with regard to industrial development of Visakhapatnam in North Coastal Andhra.
Further, Telangana can be a viable unit as a separate state and can be better developed. This was also endorsed by the SRC. Above all, the people of the region want to have it. Why should the people of Telangana keep quiet even if their counterparts in Rayalaseema and North Coastal Andhra are contented with whatever they have?
6. How many smaller states can this country have?
More than half of the states in the country are smaller than Telangana. They are: Assam, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Manipur, Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Mizoram, Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Punjab, Goa, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttaranchal. Further, West Bengal and Kerala also are smaller than Telangana in geographical area. Then why all doubts about and objections to conferring statehood on Telangana, which would be the largest of the smaller states in the country?
7. What about linguistic unity and cultural identity?
Next to Hindi, largest number of people in India speaks Telugu. If there can be nine Hindi speaking states with the possibility of some more coming up, what is wrong in having more than one state for Telugus? It may be recalled that the SRC recommended the creation of separate Telangana state in addition to the already existing Andhra state. The SRC, in fact, never wanted language to be the sole criterion for reorganizing Indian states. The most intriguing part of the whole argument of the so-called linguistic unity is that the Telangana dialect is ridiculed with impunity especially by the cine field and mass media. Who controls them is an open secret. Can such things go on without the connivance of ruling classes? Otherwise what hell the agencies expected to censor films and TV serials are doing? In such humiliating conditions what is the significance of linguistic and cultural unity? Has it not become totally meaningless?
8. Are the Naxalites responsible for the backwardness of Telangana?
This question has become some sort of a political slogan of the ruling classes. Therefore, it needs to be examined dispassionately. While doing so one need not agree with the philosophy of Naxalites and certainly need not endorse their acts of violence. The issue on hand is different. If the argument of the government is based on facts, it should be substantiated with empirical evidence. How does one explain the following facts?
- Mahabubnagar district is less affected by the Naxalite Movement as compared to the North Telangana districts. Then how is it that Mahabubnagar is more backward than all the districts of North Telangana? It is not only the most backward district in the region and the state but is also one of the 200 backward districts listed in the entire country.
- Kothagudem Thermal Plant and Ramagundam Thermal Plant are in the areas where the Naxalites were very active for more than three and a half decades. How is it that various stages of development of Kothagudem Thermal Plant are being completed ahead of the schedule? How is it that Ramagundam Thermal Plant is getting awards year after year for its good performance?
- The entire coal belt is in Naxal-effected areas of the Telangana region. The coal produced here is transported on a large scale to other regions without any hindrance. Have the Naxalites obstructed this activity any time?
- Even a private sector industry, the AP Rayon’s, is functioning well in the midst of Warangal forests - the nerve centre of Naxalite activity. How is it functioning if Naxals are a hindrance?
- Visakhapatnam district also is an important centre for Naxals. How is it that Vizag has emerged as a major industrial town not only in the state but also in the entire country?
- Besides not starting any new industries in the region, several industries established by the much-maligned Nizam have been closed one after the other. Examples: Azamjahi Mills, Sir Silk Factory, Anthargaon Spinning Mills, Republic Forge and DBR Mills. The Allwyn factory and the Nizam Sugar Factory have already been sold. Are the Naxalites responsible for the closure of all these industries?
- The Telangana Movement of 1968-69 was a massive revolt of the people against the exploitation of the region. Where were the Naxalites then?
It should be realized that the growth and spread of Naxalite Movement in Telangana is a consequence of backwardness of the region and not a cause for its backwardness. But the powers that be are trying to reverse the causal relationship. The people of the region have a feeling, and justifiably so, that the ruling sections will see to it that the issues emanating from the Naxalite Movement are never attended to with the seriousness and earnestness they deserve. They have a vested interest in doing so. They can use it as a pretext to further neglect the region in the realm of development.
నిరంతర ఘోష ఫై ఉద్యమిస్తున్న ఉద్వేగ ఉపద్రవాలు..........
Saturday, April 17, 2010
TRS-SKC...abt TELANGANA language n culture
Telangana Language and Culture
Premeditated Discrimination and Degradation in
Unified State of Andhra Pradesh
1.1 Introduction:
Even after 54 years of geographical merger of two states (Andhra and Hyderabad States), both regions have not been completely integrated. There is vast divisiveness in terms of emotions, language, literature and culture of both the regions.
As we trace the entire 3000 years of history of Telugu speaking people, it is very clearly found that only for three to four hundred years, both Telangana and Andhra regions were under the rule of a single kingdom. Due to the fact that these regions were never together under one kingdom and ruled by different kings and kingdoms, both the regions of Telangana and Andhra have developed distinctly different thoughts, experiences, languages, literature, culture and its overall identity.
In the unified state of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana language, literature, history and culture are being subjected to massive discrimination and degradation. While both the regions were merged due to linguistic factors, unfortunately, even in the context of language, there was no unified feeling among the people of both the regions.
Language has much deeper role in terms of creating a unique cultural identity. While describing the affects of colonization on language, literature, history and culture in Africa, Ngugi wa Thiong'o observed that “blindness to the indigenous voice of Africans is a direct result of colonization. By removing their native language from their education they are separated from their history which is replaced by European history in European languages. This put the lives of Africans more firmly in the control of the colonists”.
Ngugi argued that “colonization was not simply a process of physical force. Rather, the bullet was the means of physical subjugation while the language was the means of the spiritual subjugation. Ngugi observed that “language and culture are inseparable, and therefore the loss of the former results in the loss of the latter”. He further pointed out that “Language as communication and as culture are then products of each other. Language carries culture, and culture carries, particularly through orature and literature, the entire body of values by which we perceive ourselves and our place in the world. Language is thus inseparable from us as a community of human beings with a specific form and character, a specific history, a specific relationship to the world”
Ngugi’s observations are so aptly relevant to the context of Telangana. The Andhra leaders, who led the government of AP, over the years, have maliciously removed the Telangana language, literature, culture and history from our education so as to enslave the minds of Telangana People. Further, they discredited Telangana literature and also made an effort to devastate the history and cultural identity of Telangana and there by ascertained the political and economic control on the people of Telangana.
In the unified state of Andhra Pradesh, every government failed to extend any form of justice to the people of Telangana. Following description will throw some light on the issues of discrimination and degradation of Telangana language, literature, history and culture.
1.2 Discrimination towards Telangana Language:
a) The so called literary experts of Andhra region have unilaterally claimed their language, i.e. Andhra language, as Standard Language and condemned the Telangana language as an Ordinary Dialect. So called Standard Language, claimed by Andhra experts, is actually a dialect that too spoken only in two districts, while Telangana Language that is spoken in more than nine districts is degraded as a mere dialect and causing serious humiliation to people of Telangana.
b) Text books, for schools and colleges, published by government are completely written in Andhra Language and not even a single word of Telangana language is used in these text books. If any students write their examinations in Telangana language, students are deprived of their due share of marks. Hence, both the students and teachers of Telangana are subjected to unnecessary additional effort to learn the others language i.e., Andhra language.
c) While speaking in Telugu, if there is a usage of Sanskrit and English words, it is projected as a great achievement. However, if there is a sparing usage of Urdu words, it is ridiculed as “Thourakyandhram” or Thuraka Telugu” (Thuraka means Muslims, which means Muslim Telugu).
d) Telugu film industry, largely promoted by Andhra Capitalists, Writers, Actors, Directors, is immensely humiliating the people of Telangana by characterizing Telangana language as an exclusive language for villains and comedians.
e) In the name of entertainment, Telangana Language and culture is poorly projected by private and government TV channels and Radio channels,.
f) In most of the films and other programs, characters of Telangana leaders and their Telangana Language are shown as laughing stocks demeaning the stature of Telangana Leaders. Former Chief Minister Sri T Anjaiah, a Telangana leader was subjected to such a serious embarrassment continuously by one of the news papers.
g) Unfortunately, Government never encouraged and rewarded Telangana writers to promote Telangana Language.
1.3 Neglect of Telangana History:
a) Government has not made significant efforts to take up excavations to explore the Telangana history, heritage, culture and the archeological monuments of Shatavahana dynasty.
b) Despite uncovering few historical and archeological monuments in Telangana Region, every effort was made to suppress the history and heritage of Telangana and only projected the history of Andhra region..
c) .For example, in the year 1942, during the regime of Nizam, excavations were taken up in Kondapuram, Medak District and discovered the historical evidences such as the signs of Buddhism, coins, utensils etc. But, ironically, even after sixty years, these excavations are not completed. Whatever the uncovered, historical evidences and monuments, are not properly protected in a museum. Andhra officers, who are made responsible for excavations, are openly shifting the historical evidences and monuments to Amaravathi, Guntur district and there is none to curtail such a fraud.
d) Kotilingala in Karimnagar district was the capital city for Shatavahana dynasty. During the year 1970-74, excavations were held in Kotilingala and Doolikatta and uncovered a lot of historical evidences and archeological monuments. Unfortunately, in spite of repeated appeals, these excavations were stopped with a lame excuse of lack of funds.
e) Neither Government of AP nor Tourism Corporation made sincere efforts to protect the rich heritage and culture of Telangana. Several historical Telangana monuments such as forts, buildings, temples are being neglected by government. For example, there is no action taken by the police and archeological department, when the main doors of Tekmal and Medak forts are stolen by miscreants.
f) Government is immune to several representations to convert the forts of Yeligandula, Bhongir, Ramgiri, Medak, and Nizamabad into tourism centers. Historical temples such as Ramappa Temple, 1000 pillar temple. Keesara are neglected by government not being actively renovated and unfortunately they are on the verge of total deterioration.
g) Government, deliberately most often, entrusted the responsibility to Andhra experts to author the text books. As a result, Andhra authors have always neglected and not appropriately incorporated the Telangana history and culture in the text syllabus. For example, in the eighth class social sciences text book, there is a detail presentation of Dhavaleshwaram Barrage, but not even single mention of Sriramsagar project. This is a clear illustration of their deliberate discrimination and distorted presentation of facts. Even the books published by NCERT and SCRT do not have the details of Telangana history.
h) Even in Telangana, there were several freedom fighters and they were never projected appropriately in our history books. For example, histories of freedom fighters, who fought against Britishers namely Turebajh Khan, Ramji Gond and Komaram Bheem who fought against Nizam, were never incorporated as part of the text book syllabus.
i) Even in the books published by government agencies such as Telugu Academy, the historical facts of Telangana are distorted. Modern AP history published by Telugu Academy cunningly projected Telangana movement as selfish and opportunist movement, while Andhra movement was presented as progressive movement.
j) Mallinatha Suri is the only Telugu poet who wrote comments on all the five maha kavyas of Sanskrit including Sanjivini Vyakhaya on Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsam. He is otherwise known as `Vyakhyana Chakravarthi.’ He was born during the year 1150 B.C. in Kolichelama village, just 15 km from Medak town, now known as Kolcharam. After so much of persuasion, Government took over his dilapidated building more than two decades ago to construct a memorial and set-up a bronze statue. But so far no progress has been made and it is a clear reflection of the extent of respect that the Andhra rulers demonstrate towards Telangana poets.
k) Bammera Potana (1450-1510) was born in Bammera, a village twenty miles away from Warangal. But, deliberately, people of Andhra region taken up a controversy that Pothana belonged to Ontimetta of Cudapah, but not of Bammera. Thirty experts, appointed by Andhra Pradesh Sahithya Academy, did immense research and proved with all facts that Pothana belonged to Warangal district only. Even then, ex chief minister, encouraged to conduct Pothana celebrations in Cudapah district to distort the history of Telangana while Telangana leaders raised their protest against such celebrations.
l) While our country got the freedom on August, 15, 1947, people of Telangana got the freedom from Nizam only on September, 17, 1948. In order to signify the historical importance of the Telangana freedom movement, there has been a demand to government to officially celebrate Septermber 17th as an Independence Day for people of Telangana. But so far, government has not responded positively and people of Telangana are deprived of official celebrations of their illustrious freedom struggle.
1.4 Telangana Cultural Suppression:
a) Over the years, there has been a serious attack on Telangana self respect by the people of Andhra. Telangana people are ridiculed that there is no specific culture of Telangana; that Telangana language is not suitable for any literary purposes and even made a mockery of festivals, dress and the living patterns.
b) Even before the formation of unified state, Telangana and its culture was belittled by the people of Andhra and Telangana was called as NIZAMANDHRA. During the year 1934, one of the Andhra poets, wrote an article with utter contempt on Telangana titled as “NIZAMANDHRA LO TELUGU KAVULU POOJYAM” (It means There are no Telugu poets in Telangana). As a strong response to it, one of the famous poets of Telangana, Suravaram Prathap Reddy, compiled and published the writings of 350 poets. But unfortunately, his writings were not adequately projected,
c) Bathukamma Panduga (Bathukamma Festival) is the largest and legendary festival of Telangana. It was started centuries ago and still celebrated as grand cultural event in this place. The legend of Batukamma Panduga is mentioned in one of the historical texts scripted in Telugu. But such a large festival is neither recognized by the government nor does the government even extend the official greetings to the people of Telangana on the day of Bathukamama Panduga. Unfortunately, government media (Doordarshan and All India Radio) does not give any importance to cover this legendary festival. Further, reflecting the sheer discrimination, Bathukamma Panduga is not even exhibited in national youth festivals and other programs held by government.
d) Holi is regarded as one of the ancient and important festivals to the people of Telangana. Holi is celebrated with lot of enthusiasm, energy and happiness, irrespective of caste, creed, sex, age etc, by sprinkling colors on each other. In the year 2006, a group of Telangana professors, intellectuals, writers were obstructed and threatened by the local police inspector (belongs to Andhra Region) and went to an extent of even detaining them. This is a clear incident of how intolerant are the officers from Andhra region towards Telangana region and its culture.
e) It is so pathetic to note that of all the statues at the Tankbund, one would not find a single statue of Telangana legendary personalities. There were several Great people of Telangana who deserve to have their statues such as eminent poet like Dasharadhi, Padmavibhushan award recipient Kaloji, Vattikota Alwaru Swami, man who lead the Library movement and others. Despite several representations made by Telangana leaders on this issue, government ignored and downplayed the historical and legendary personalities of Telangana,
f) Even though Telangana leaders held the prestigious positions such as chief ministers and prime minister etc, but as a mark of respect to them, no single garden or public institutions are named after them. Where as almost all the gardens (NTR Park, Sanjeevaiah Park, Kasu Brahmananda Reddy Park etc); universities (NG Ranga Agriculture University, Potti Sriramulu Telugu University, NTR Health University) and even stadiums and streets were named after the leaders of Andhra such as Balayogi, Sanjeeva Reddy, Kotla Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy etc. The same Government which named new universities in Andhra region after poets such as Nannaiah and Vemana, refused to name the new universities of Telangana after Pothana and Somanna who were renowned Telangana poets. This is yet another clear sign of prejudice towards Telangana.
g) Unified state always played a partisan role and discriminated Telangana in terms of promoting literary and cultural activities. While Andhra cultural and literary organizations are funded indiscriminately, when it comes to Telangana organizations, government always refused to offer the right share of funds.
h) Most of the students of Telangana, who belong to poor and deprived sections, depend on libraries for their regular studies and competitive examinations. However, government deliberately does not allocate adequate funds to the libraries of Telangana and ensure that the relevant books are available. Most of the times, library staff of Telangana region are not paid their salaries regularly. The department of public libraries is always biased enough to buy only the books of Andhra writers and publishers. Further, it is disgusting to note that historical libraries (Bollarum, Secunderabad, Shalibanda etc), which contributed to cultural growth of Hyderabad, are deteriorating and on the verge of collapse. But the department does not have any interest to protect such old libraries of Telangana.
i) It is disheartening to note that most of the government schools in Telangana, particularly in Hyderabad, are in miserable condition without pucca buildings, basic infrastructure and other amenities. Andhra rulers are making efforts to unlawfully convert the Government school lands into real estate projects (For example Chaderghat School Land) and some of the school lands ( for example Bollarum School Lands) are being illegally occupied by land grabbers and Government is a mere spectator and not making any effort to protect the lands.
1.5 Conclusion:
2. Historically it has been proved that if any society has experienced the everlasting development in terms of its literature, culture and heritage, it happened only when the rulers were committed enough to encourage, promote and support such growth.
3. However, it has been proved in more than several occasions that Andhra rulers are determined to disrespect, degrade and destroy the cultural identity of Telangana.
4. In this context, the only avenue to safeguard Telangana language and literature; to preserve the oldest traditions, heritage and cultural identity of Telangana; and to protect the self respect of Telangana poets, writers, artists, leaders and others is through political empowerment and self governance.
5. Hence, we make earnest appeal to restore the separate statehood for the Telangana region and help us to preserve one of the oldest and traditional cultures of India.
Premeditated Discrimination and Degradation in
Unified State of Andhra Pradesh
1.1 Introduction:
Even after 54 years of geographical merger of two states (Andhra and Hyderabad States), both regions have not been completely integrated. There is vast divisiveness in terms of emotions, language, literature and culture of both the regions.
As we trace the entire 3000 years of history of Telugu speaking people, it is very clearly found that only for three to four hundred years, both Telangana and Andhra regions were under the rule of a single kingdom. Due to the fact that these regions were never together under one kingdom and ruled by different kings and kingdoms, both the regions of Telangana and Andhra have developed distinctly different thoughts, experiences, languages, literature, culture and its overall identity.
In the unified state of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana language, literature, history and culture are being subjected to massive discrimination and degradation. While both the regions were merged due to linguistic factors, unfortunately, even in the context of language, there was no unified feeling among the people of both the regions.
Language has much deeper role in terms of creating a unique cultural identity. While describing the affects of colonization on language, literature, history and culture in Africa, Ngugi wa Thiong'o observed that “blindness to the indigenous voice of Africans is a direct result of colonization. By removing their native language from their education they are separated from their history which is replaced by European history in European languages. This put the lives of Africans more firmly in the control of the colonists”.
Ngugi argued that “colonization was not simply a process of physical force. Rather, the bullet was the means of physical subjugation while the language was the means of the spiritual subjugation. Ngugi observed that “language and culture are inseparable, and therefore the loss of the former results in the loss of the latter”. He further pointed out that “Language as communication and as culture are then products of each other. Language carries culture, and culture carries, particularly through orature and literature, the entire body of values by which we perceive ourselves and our place in the world. Language is thus inseparable from us as a community of human beings with a specific form and character, a specific history, a specific relationship to the world”
Ngugi’s observations are so aptly relevant to the context of Telangana. The Andhra leaders, who led the government of AP, over the years, have maliciously removed the Telangana language, literature, culture and history from our education so as to enslave the minds of Telangana People. Further, they discredited Telangana literature and also made an effort to devastate the history and cultural identity of Telangana and there by ascertained the political and economic control on the people of Telangana.
In the unified state of Andhra Pradesh, every government failed to extend any form of justice to the people of Telangana. Following description will throw some light on the issues of discrimination and degradation of Telangana language, literature, history and culture.
1.2 Discrimination towards Telangana Language:
a) The so called literary experts of Andhra region have unilaterally claimed their language, i.e. Andhra language, as Standard Language and condemned the Telangana language as an Ordinary Dialect. So called Standard Language, claimed by Andhra experts, is actually a dialect that too spoken only in two districts, while Telangana Language that is spoken in more than nine districts is degraded as a mere dialect and causing serious humiliation to people of Telangana.
b) Text books, for schools and colleges, published by government are completely written in Andhra Language and not even a single word of Telangana language is used in these text books. If any students write their examinations in Telangana language, students are deprived of their due share of marks. Hence, both the students and teachers of Telangana are subjected to unnecessary additional effort to learn the others language i.e., Andhra language.
c) While speaking in Telugu, if there is a usage of Sanskrit and English words, it is projected as a great achievement. However, if there is a sparing usage of Urdu words, it is ridiculed as “Thourakyandhram” or Thuraka Telugu” (Thuraka means Muslims, which means Muslim Telugu).
d) Telugu film industry, largely promoted by Andhra Capitalists, Writers, Actors, Directors, is immensely humiliating the people of Telangana by characterizing Telangana language as an exclusive language for villains and comedians.
e) In the name of entertainment, Telangana Language and culture is poorly projected by private and government TV channels and Radio channels,.
f) In most of the films and other programs, characters of Telangana leaders and their Telangana Language are shown as laughing stocks demeaning the stature of Telangana Leaders. Former Chief Minister Sri T Anjaiah, a Telangana leader was subjected to such a serious embarrassment continuously by one of the news papers.
g) Unfortunately, Government never encouraged and rewarded Telangana writers to promote Telangana Language.
1.3 Neglect of Telangana History:
a) Government has not made significant efforts to take up excavations to explore the Telangana history, heritage, culture and the archeological monuments of Shatavahana dynasty.
b) Despite uncovering few historical and archeological monuments in Telangana Region, every effort was made to suppress the history and heritage of Telangana and only projected the history of Andhra region..
c) .For example, in the year 1942, during the regime of Nizam, excavations were taken up in Kondapuram, Medak District and discovered the historical evidences such as the signs of Buddhism, coins, utensils etc. But, ironically, even after sixty years, these excavations are not completed. Whatever the uncovered, historical evidences and monuments, are not properly protected in a museum. Andhra officers, who are made responsible for excavations, are openly shifting the historical evidences and monuments to Amaravathi, Guntur district and there is none to curtail such a fraud.
d) Kotilingala in Karimnagar district was the capital city for Shatavahana dynasty. During the year 1970-74, excavations were held in Kotilingala and Doolikatta and uncovered a lot of historical evidences and archeological monuments. Unfortunately, in spite of repeated appeals, these excavations were stopped with a lame excuse of lack of funds.
e) Neither Government of AP nor Tourism Corporation made sincere efforts to protect the rich heritage and culture of Telangana. Several historical Telangana monuments such as forts, buildings, temples are being neglected by government. For example, there is no action taken by the police and archeological department, when the main doors of Tekmal and Medak forts are stolen by miscreants.
f) Government is immune to several representations to convert the forts of Yeligandula, Bhongir, Ramgiri, Medak, and Nizamabad into tourism centers. Historical temples such as Ramappa Temple, 1000 pillar temple. Keesara are neglected by government not being actively renovated and unfortunately they are on the verge of total deterioration.
g) Government, deliberately most often, entrusted the responsibility to Andhra experts to author the text books. As a result, Andhra authors have always neglected and not appropriately incorporated the Telangana history and culture in the text syllabus. For example, in the eighth class social sciences text book, there is a detail presentation of Dhavaleshwaram Barrage, but not even single mention of Sriramsagar project. This is a clear illustration of their deliberate discrimination and distorted presentation of facts. Even the books published by NCERT and SCRT do not have the details of Telangana history.
h) Even in Telangana, there were several freedom fighters and they were never projected appropriately in our history books. For example, histories of freedom fighters, who fought against Britishers namely Turebajh Khan, Ramji Gond and Komaram Bheem who fought against Nizam, were never incorporated as part of the text book syllabus.
i) Even in the books published by government agencies such as Telugu Academy, the historical facts of Telangana are distorted. Modern AP history published by Telugu Academy cunningly projected Telangana movement as selfish and opportunist movement, while Andhra movement was presented as progressive movement.
j) Mallinatha Suri is the only Telugu poet who wrote comments on all the five maha kavyas of Sanskrit including Sanjivini Vyakhaya on Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsam. He is otherwise known as `Vyakhyana Chakravarthi.’ He was born during the year 1150 B.C. in Kolichelama village, just 15 km from Medak town, now known as Kolcharam. After so much of persuasion, Government took over his dilapidated building more than two decades ago to construct a memorial and set-up a bronze statue. But so far no progress has been made and it is a clear reflection of the extent of respect that the Andhra rulers demonstrate towards Telangana poets.
k) Bammera Potana (1450-1510) was born in Bammera, a village twenty miles away from Warangal. But, deliberately, people of Andhra region taken up a controversy that Pothana belonged to Ontimetta of Cudapah, but not of Bammera. Thirty experts, appointed by Andhra Pradesh Sahithya Academy, did immense research and proved with all facts that Pothana belonged to Warangal district only. Even then, ex chief minister, encouraged to conduct Pothana celebrations in Cudapah district to distort the history of Telangana while Telangana leaders raised their protest against such celebrations.
l) While our country got the freedom on August, 15, 1947, people of Telangana got the freedom from Nizam only on September, 17, 1948. In order to signify the historical importance of the Telangana freedom movement, there has been a demand to government to officially celebrate Septermber 17th as an Independence Day for people of Telangana. But so far, government has not responded positively and people of Telangana are deprived of official celebrations of their illustrious freedom struggle.
1.4 Telangana Cultural Suppression:
a) Over the years, there has been a serious attack on Telangana self respect by the people of Andhra. Telangana people are ridiculed that there is no specific culture of Telangana; that Telangana language is not suitable for any literary purposes and even made a mockery of festivals, dress and the living patterns.
b) Even before the formation of unified state, Telangana and its culture was belittled by the people of Andhra and Telangana was called as NIZAMANDHRA. During the year 1934, one of the Andhra poets, wrote an article with utter contempt on Telangana titled as “NIZAMANDHRA LO TELUGU KAVULU POOJYAM” (It means There are no Telugu poets in Telangana). As a strong response to it, one of the famous poets of Telangana, Suravaram Prathap Reddy, compiled and published the writings of 350 poets. But unfortunately, his writings were not adequately projected,
c) Bathukamma Panduga (Bathukamma Festival) is the largest and legendary festival of Telangana. It was started centuries ago and still celebrated as grand cultural event in this place. The legend of Batukamma Panduga is mentioned in one of the historical texts scripted in Telugu. But such a large festival is neither recognized by the government nor does the government even extend the official greetings to the people of Telangana on the day of Bathukamama Panduga. Unfortunately, government media (Doordarshan and All India Radio) does not give any importance to cover this legendary festival. Further, reflecting the sheer discrimination, Bathukamma Panduga is not even exhibited in national youth festivals and other programs held by government.
d) Holi is regarded as one of the ancient and important festivals to the people of Telangana. Holi is celebrated with lot of enthusiasm, energy and happiness, irrespective of caste, creed, sex, age etc, by sprinkling colors on each other. In the year 2006, a group of Telangana professors, intellectuals, writers were obstructed and threatened by the local police inspector (belongs to Andhra Region) and went to an extent of even detaining them. This is a clear incident of how intolerant are the officers from Andhra region towards Telangana region and its culture.
e) It is so pathetic to note that of all the statues at the Tankbund, one would not find a single statue of Telangana legendary personalities. There were several Great people of Telangana who deserve to have their statues such as eminent poet like Dasharadhi, Padmavibhushan award recipient Kaloji, Vattikota Alwaru Swami, man who lead the Library movement and others. Despite several representations made by Telangana leaders on this issue, government ignored and downplayed the historical and legendary personalities of Telangana,
f) Even though Telangana leaders held the prestigious positions such as chief ministers and prime minister etc, but as a mark of respect to them, no single garden or public institutions are named after them. Where as almost all the gardens (NTR Park, Sanjeevaiah Park, Kasu Brahmananda Reddy Park etc); universities (NG Ranga Agriculture University, Potti Sriramulu Telugu University, NTR Health University) and even stadiums and streets were named after the leaders of Andhra such as Balayogi, Sanjeeva Reddy, Kotla Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy etc. The same Government which named new universities in Andhra region after poets such as Nannaiah and Vemana, refused to name the new universities of Telangana after Pothana and Somanna who were renowned Telangana poets. This is yet another clear sign of prejudice towards Telangana.
g) Unified state always played a partisan role and discriminated Telangana in terms of promoting literary and cultural activities. While Andhra cultural and literary organizations are funded indiscriminately, when it comes to Telangana organizations, government always refused to offer the right share of funds.
h) Most of the students of Telangana, who belong to poor and deprived sections, depend on libraries for their regular studies and competitive examinations. However, government deliberately does not allocate adequate funds to the libraries of Telangana and ensure that the relevant books are available. Most of the times, library staff of Telangana region are not paid their salaries regularly. The department of public libraries is always biased enough to buy only the books of Andhra writers and publishers. Further, it is disgusting to note that historical libraries (Bollarum, Secunderabad, Shalibanda etc), which contributed to cultural growth of Hyderabad, are deteriorating and on the verge of collapse. But the department does not have any interest to protect such old libraries of Telangana.
i) It is disheartening to note that most of the government schools in Telangana, particularly in Hyderabad, are in miserable condition without pucca buildings, basic infrastructure and other amenities. Andhra rulers are making efforts to unlawfully convert the Government school lands into real estate projects (For example Chaderghat School Land) and some of the school lands ( for example Bollarum School Lands) are being illegally occupied by land grabbers and Government is a mere spectator and not making any effort to protect the lands.
1.5 Conclusion:
2. Historically it has been proved that if any society has experienced the everlasting development in terms of its literature, culture and heritage, it happened only when the rulers were committed enough to encourage, promote and support such growth.
3. However, it has been proved in more than several occasions that Andhra rulers are determined to disrespect, degrade and destroy the cultural identity of Telangana.
4. In this context, the only avenue to safeguard Telangana language and literature; to preserve the oldest traditions, heritage and cultural identity of Telangana; and to protect the self respect of Telangana poets, writers, artists, leaders and others is through political empowerment and self governance.
5. Hence, we make earnest appeal to restore the separate statehood for the Telangana region and help us to preserve one of the oldest and traditional cultures of India.
TRS-SKC...abt JUDICIARY
Judiciary
It might sound incredible; but it is a stark reality, that is, with the formation of Andhra Pradesh the Telangana Segment of judiciary too had become a victim of injustice and discrimination. And it continues to be so, even to this day, in some form or the other.
Seniority of Judges made topsy-turvy
With the merger of Telangana with Andhra, the High Courts of the two erstwhile states were naturally amalgamated. But the modus operandi of this amalgamation was formulated in such a way that all the senior most judges of the High Court of Hyderabad (Telangana) were made juniors to the junior most judges of the High Court of former Andhra State. Several senior judges like Justice Qamar Hussain, Justice Manohar Pershad, Jutice Mohmmed Ansari and Justice P. Jagan Mohan Reddy who were appointed as the judges of High Court of Hyderabad (Telangana) between 1942 and 1952 were arbitrarily made juniors to the junior most judges of the Andhra High Court like justice N. D. Krishna Rao and justice Satyanarayana Raju who were appointed only after 1954 – one of them a few months before the formation of Andhra Pradesh on 1st November 1956. This glaringly unjust decision was challenged by Srikishan, a senior barrister from Telangana, but it was not even allowed to be heard. Consequently, seniors became juniors and vice versa - all to the disadvantage of senior judges hailing from the Telangana region. As natural fallout of this discrimination, junior judges of Andhra could become Chief Justices of Andhra Pradesh High Court and judges of Supreme Court of India, whereas several senior judges of Telangana had to retire without getting such opportunities in their careers. In this process, the Chief Justice of erstwhile High Court of Hyderabad, Justice Sripathi Rao, lost his position and was unceremoniously transferred to the High Court of Bombay as an ordinary judge.
Injustice Percolates down the System:
Such unjust and discriminatory policies continue to plague the composition of the Bench of the High Court of Andhra Pradesh. During the last 54 years a total number of 167 judges, belonging to Andhra Pradesh, were appointed to the High Court of Andhra Pradesh. Out of them only 44 belong to the Telangana region against 123 to the other regions.
This imbalance in the composition of the High Court of Andhra Pradesh and the resultant domination of Andhra Judges is affecting the system at the lower levels as well. In selecting and appointing district judges, subordinate judges and munsif magistrates, senior judges of the High Court have a decisive say. As the Andhra component of judges has a firm grip on the system, Telangana aspirants for these positions do not get their legitimate share. The details are shown in the following Table.
Positions in the Administration of Justice in A. P.
A Region wise Brakeup
Positions TOTAL
Number Persons from
TELANGANA Persons From
ANDHRA & RAYALASEMA
Advocate General
1 No one from Telangana has been appointed since the formation of AP State
1
Public Prosecutor
1 No one from Telangana has been appointed since the formation of AP State
1
Addl. Advocates General 3 1 2
Addl. Public Prosecutors 3 1 2
Registrar general 1 - 1
Government Pleaders 36 8 28
Asst. Govt. Pleaders 62 13 49
Standing Counsels 250 20 230
Registrars 6 - 6
Joint Registrars 2 1 1
Deputy Registrars 5 3 2
Assistant Registrars 32 5 27
District Judges 260 30 230
Senior Civil Judges 200 30 170
Junior Civil Judges 430 50 380
Section Officers 112 20 92
Deputy Section Officers 62 15 47
Asst. Section officers 90 25 65
Court Masters 134 40 94
Jr. Assistant examiners 269 40 229
Computer Operator 18 - 18
Attenders (High Court) 607 250 357
This is the kind of glaring injustice inflicted on the Telangana component of administration of justice. Further, the story does not stop with the appointment of judges. It pervades the entire system of administration of justice in Andhra Pradesh.
Post of Advocate General-Permanent Denial to Telangana:
It appears to be unbelievable; but it is a fact.
Right from the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh to this day, no one from the Telangana region has been appointed as the Advocate General of High Court of Andhra Pradesh.
This issue was represented to all the successive chief ministers of the state, but no one cared to give any serious thought to it. On the contrary, one of the former chief ministers, Y. S. Rajashekara Reddy, went to the extent of commenting that only those who enjoy the confidence of the government will be appointed to the position of Advocate General of the state. Can there be a bigger insult to the practitioners of law of Telangana?
It would be necessary to know in this context that the Telangana region offered a galaxy of legal luminaries to the nation. They include judges of the Supreme Court of India, Chief Justices of High Courts of several other states, pivotal positions in the Law Commission of India and International Court of Justice. Further, a distinguished lawyer-turned political leader from Telangana could become the Union Law Minister. None of them, while they were practicing lawyers, was found suitable, ironically enough, to be appointed as the Advocate General of Andhra Pradesh. They enjoyed the confidence of the nation but not of the Chief Ministers of Andhra Pradesh.
Ramifications of Injustice to Judiciary:
This blatantly discriminatory anti-Telangana attitude of the successive Chief Ministers has many ramifications. The Advocate General plays a crucial and decisive role in appointing government pleaders, assistant government pleaders, public prosecutors etc. Thereby, more than 75% of such positions are always held by non-Telangana lawyers. Similarly, no one from Telangana is appointed, so far as the chair person of AP State Administrative Tribunal and State Consumers Forum. Likewise, when teams of advocates to appear before the River Water Dispute Tribunal are appointed, mostly, if not solely, persons belonging to Andhra area are picked. For instance, a team of advocates appointed to argue the case of Andhra Pradesh before the current Tribunal on the Krishna River Water Dispute consists of seven advocates; out of them only one is from the Telangana region. As a result, the interest of Telangana regarding its legitimate share of the Krishna waters is not taken care of. There are also instances of these advocates taking the stand openly against the interests of Telangana.
In this scenario the people of Telangana had, and continue to have, bitter experiences of denial of justice in several spheres of their lives. Therefore, are they not justified in questioning that when the judiciary itself cannot be protected from injustice and discrimination what would be their fate who looks to the judiciary for justice and fair play?
It might sound incredible; but it is a stark reality, that is, with the formation of Andhra Pradesh the Telangana Segment of judiciary too had become a victim of injustice and discrimination. And it continues to be so, even to this day, in some form or the other.
Seniority of Judges made topsy-turvy
With the merger of Telangana with Andhra, the High Courts of the two erstwhile states were naturally amalgamated. But the modus operandi of this amalgamation was formulated in such a way that all the senior most judges of the High Court of Hyderabad (Telangana) were made juniors to the junior most judges of the High Court of former Andhra State. Several senior judges like Justice Qamar Hussain, Justice Manohar Pershad, Jutice Mohmmed Ansari and Justice P. Jagan Mohan Reddy who were appointed as the judges of High Court of Hyderabad (Telangana) between 1942 and 1952 were arbitrarily made juniors to the junior most judges of the Andhra High Court like justice N. D. Krishna Rao and justice Satyanarayana Raju who were appointed only after 1954 – one of them a few months before the formation of Andhra Pradesh on 1st November 1956. This glaringly unjust decision was challenged by Srikishan, a senior barrister from Telangana, but it was not even allowed to be heard. Consequently, seniors became juniors and vice versa - all to the disadvantage of senior judges hailing from the Telangana region. As natural fallout of this discrimination, junior judges of Andhra could become Chief Justices of Andhra Pradesh High Court and judges of Supreme Court of India, whereas several senior judges of Telangana had to retire without getting such opportunities in their careers. In this process, the Chief Justice of erstwhile High Court of Hyderabad, Justice Sripathi Rao, lost his position and was unceremoniously transferred to the High Court of Bombay as an ordinary judge.
Injustice Percolates down the System:
Such unjust and discriminatory policies continue to plague the composition of the Bench of the High Court of Andhra Pradesh. During the last 54 years a total number of 167 judges, belonging to Andhra Pradesh, were appointed to the High Court of Andhra Pradesh. Out of them only 44 belong to the Telangana region against 123 to the other regions.
This imbalance in the composition of the High Court of Andhra Pradesh and the resultant domination of Andhra Judges is affecting the system at the lower levels as well. In selecting and appointing district judges, subordinate judges and munsif magistrates, senior judges of the High Court have a decisive say. As the Andhra component of judges has a firm grip on the system, Telangana aspirants for these positions do not get their legitimate share. The details are shown in the following Table.
Positions in the Administration of Justice in A. P.
A Region wise Brakeup
Positions TOTAL
Number Persons from
TELANGANA Persons From
ANDHRA & RAYALASEMA
Advocate General
1 No one from Telangana has been appointed since the formation of AP State
1
Public Prosecutor
1 No one from Telangana has been appointed since the formation of AP State
1
Addl. Advocates General 3 1 2
Addl. Public Prosecutors 3 1 2
Registrar general 1 - 1
Government Pleaders 36 8 28
Asst. Govt. Pleaders 62 13 49
Standing Counsels 250 20 230
Registrars 6 - 6
Joint Registrars 2 1 1
Deputy Registrars 5 3 2
Assistant Registrars 32 5 27
District Judges 260 30 230
Senior Civil Judges 200 30 170
Junior Civil Judges 430 50 380
Section Officers 112 20 92
Deputy Section Officers 62 15 47
Asst. Section officers 90 25 65
Court Masters 134 40 94
Jr. Assistant examiners 269 40 229
Computer Operator 18 - 18
Attenders (High Court) 607 250 357
This is the kind of glaring injustice inflicted on the Telangana component of administration of justice. Further, the story does not stop with the appointment of judges. It pervades the entire system of administration of justice in Andhra Pradesh.
Post of Advocate General-Permanent Denial to Telangana:
It appears to be unbelievable; but it is a fact.
Right from the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh to this day, no one from the Telangana region has been appointed as the Advocate General of High Court of Andhra Pradesh.
This issue was represented to all the successive chief ministers of the state, but no one cared to give any serious thought to it. On the contrary, one of the former chief ministers, Y. S. Rajashekara Reddy, went to the extent of commenting that only those who enjoy the confidence of the government will be appointed to the position of Advocate General of the state. Can there be a bigger insult to the practitioners of law of Telangana?
It would be necessary to know in this context that the Telangana region offered a galaxy of legal luminaries to the nation. They include judges of the Supreme Court of India, Chief Justices of High Courts of several other states, pivotal positions in the Law Commission of India and International Court of Justice. Further, a distinguished lawyer-turned political leader from Telangana could become the Union Law Minister. None of them, while they were practicing lawyers, was found suitable, ironically enough, to be appointed as the Advocate General of Andhra Pradesh. They enjoyed the confidence of the nation but not of the Chief Ministers of Andhra Pradesh.
Ramifications of Injustice to Judiciary:
This blatantly discriminatory anti-Telangana attitude of the successive Chief Ministers has many ramifications. The Advocate General plays a crucial and decisive role in appointing government pleaders, assistant government pleaders, public prosecutors etc. Thereby, more than 75% of such positions are always held by non-Telangana lawyers. Similarly, no one from Telangana is appointed, so far as the chair person of AP State Administrative Tribunal and State Consumers Forum. Likewise, when teams of advocates to appear before the River Water Dispute Tribunal are appointed, mostly, if not solely, persons belonging to Andhra area are picked. For instance, a team of advocates appointed to argue the case of Andhra Pradesh before the current Tribunal on the Krishna River Water Dispute consists of seven advocates; out of them only one is from the Telangana region. As a result, the interest of Telangana regarding its legitimate share of the Krishna waters is not taken care of. There are also instances of these advocates taking the stand openly against the interests of Telangana.
In this scenario the people of Telangana had, and continue to have, bitter experiences of denial of justice in several spheres of their lives. Therefore, are they not justified in questioning that when the judiciary itself cannot be protected from injustice and discrimination what would be their fate who looks to the judiciary for justice and fair play?
TRS-SKC...abt THE CAPITAL CITY
THE CAPITAL CITY
The legendary city of Hyderabad has a glorious past, spanning a period of nearly five centuries. It was the capital city of the erstwhile Hyderabad State of which the Telangana region was a major component. The blood and sweat of the people of this region have, over generations, gone into the effort of building this great city. It naturally continued to be the capital of the Hyderabad State after its liberation from the feudal regime in 1948. It was by then itself the fifth largest city of India endowed with all magnificent infrastructure facilities and other amenities required for the capital of a state.
The Grandeur of Hyderabad:
On the eve of conditional merger of Telangana with Andhra, Hyderabad was a centre of national attraction with a vast net work of well conceived, well planned, well developed and well maintained structures and institutions. They include --
Buildings required for running the business of the government such as the Raj Bhavan, Legislative Assembly, Legislative Council, Secretariat, High Court, offices of Heads of Departments, residential acco- mmodation for judges, ministers, legislators, officers, government employees and so on;
Premier institutions of health care like Osmania Hospital, Gandhi Hospital, Nilofer Hospital, Quarantine Hospital, Cancer Hospital, ENT Hospital, Maternity Hospital, Hospital for Chest Diseases, Hospital for Mental Diseases, NIMS, Ayurvedic Hospital, Unani Hospital, Homeopathic Hospital etc.;
Prestigious educational institutions such as Osmania University, Nizam’s College, Women’s College, Saifabad College, Secunderabad College, City College, Osmania Medical College, Gandhi Medical College, Ayurvedic Medical College, Unani Medical College, Homeopathic Medical College, Dental College, College of Physical Education besides a large number of Government High Schools and the like;
Civic amenities like protected water supply round the clock, underground drainage system, shopping complexes in Abids, Pattarghatti, Sultan Bazaar and Electricity Board;
Recreational facilities and places of tourist importance like Public Gardens, Tank Bund, Gandipet, Golconda Fort, Mecca Masjid, Charminar, Qutubshahi Tombs, a large number of palaces, Salarjung Museum, to mention a few;
A well developed rail, road and air transport system, including the Secunderabad Railway Station, Nampally, Railway Station, Kachiguda Railway Station, Begumpet Airport, Road Transport Corporation, well maintained cement and black top roads.
Such was the pride of Hyderabad – the heart and soul of Telangana.
The Pathetic Plight of Andhra:
On the contrary, the erstwhile Andhra state, formed on 1st October 1953, was in a pathetic plight without a suitable capital. It would be appropriate to recall the observation of Dr. BR Ambedkar in this regard:
The new Andhra State has no fixed capital. I might incidentally say that I have never heard of the creation of a state without a capital. Mr. Rajagopalachari [the then Chief Minister of Madras State] will not show the government of the proposed Andhra state the courtesy of allowing it to stay in Madras city even for one night… The new government is left to choose its own habitat and construct thereon its own hutments to transact the business. What place can we choose? With what can it construct its hutments? Andhra is Sahara and there are no oases in it. If it chooses some place in this Sahara, it is bound to shift its quarters to a more salubrious place.
Source: Writings and Speeches of Dr. BR Ambedkar, Vol. I
This situation also gets reflected in the agony given vent by several prominent political leaders of the Andhra state and also in the comments in the media. For instance:
Kadapa Koti Reddy, an influential leader of the Rayalaseema region, opined that,
In the Andhra State there is no proper place to locate even district level offices; where is the question of finding place for locating offices for the capital city of the state? (Andhra Patrika: 13-03-1953)
Tanguturi Prakasam, a former Chief Minister of Andhra State, felt that,
All our troubles will be resolved if we get Hyderabad. But how will we get it? We have to think as to how to work for it.
(Andhra Patrika: 02-06-1953)
Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy, the then Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra State, was more emphatic about the unsuitability of Kurnool as the capital of Andhra State and about his eagerness to move away out of it. He said:
People are enthusiastically waiting for moving to Hyderabad. Nobody is feeling the pinch of shifting the state’s capital from Kurnool.
We will assure the people of Telangana, if necessary, that their positions in the cabinet and jobs in the government will be protected.
There was a comment in Andhra Patrika on this statement of Sanjeeva Reddy:
This very gentleman threatened to remain in erstwhile Madras State itself if the capital city of Andhra State was not located in Rayalaseema. (Andhra Patrika: 09-08-1954)
Sanjeeva Reddy further said:
We faced many problems in the last two years. There are no facilities for offices. If we have to wait for five more years as recommended by Fazal Ali, Andhra State will have to face innumerable problems.
(Andhra Patrika: 03-02-1956)
Y. Suryanarayana Rao, a prominent congress leader of those days, aired similar views by observing,
We have already spent one crore rupees on the capital city, Kurnool. We are still spending. Even after spending so much, has Kurnool town got a shape suitable for a capital city? Absolutely not. (Andhra Patrika: 29-09-1954)
Andhra government employees are still in Madras as tenants. The officials are worried about providing residential accommodation to them. There is no hope of completing the construction of new buildings for the Secretariat. In addition, the government employees are worried about the educational facilities for their children in Kurnool. (Andhra Patrika: 01-09-1954)
In addition to the observations made by the political leaders, the comments made in the media too are very much revealing. For instance, Andhra Patrika, a leading Telugu daily of the times was categorical in pointing out the absence of even a single suitable place in Andhra for locating its capital city. It observed -
- Visakha: Where is a road on which two lorries can safely cross each other?
- Kakinada: Where are the buildings suitable in shape and number required for the capital city of the state?
- Rajahmundry: Doesn’t have the basic requirements.
- Bezawada: There are more people than the available open place.
- Guntur: Just sufficient for the people there.
- Hyderabad: The one and the only way out.
(Andhra Patrika: 07-03-1956)
Further, the States Reorganisation Commission also was conscious of all these facts. It may be recalled that the SRC recommended retention of Telangana as a separate state, listing out a variety of reasons there for. Referring to the arguments put forth by the votaries of Visalandhra, the Commission observed,
This will also solve the difficult and vexing problem of finding a permanent capital for Andhra, for the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad are very well suited to be the capital of Vishalandhra.
(SRC Report: Para 371)
Such was the pathetic plight of Andhra which the present political leadership of that area pretends to forget!
Distortion of Facts:
While these are the facts of history on record, an impression is sought to be created by a section of Andhra leadership that the development of the city of Hyderabad took place only after it became the capital city of Andhra Pradesh.
Can there be a bigger false and absurd claim than this?
The fact is that the plight of erstwhile Andhra state in locating its capital city was mitigated only because of the formation of Andhra Pradesh and giving this fabulous city to it, literally on a silver platter, absolutely free of cost.
The development that has taken place in and around the capital city after the formation of Andhra Pradesh is natural and is comparable to the development that has taken place in other major cities of the country. It is to be realized that at the time of formation of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad was the fifth largest city in the country and even now, it continues to be in the same position. On the other hand, the growth of Visakhapatnam has been far higher and faster than the growth of Hyderabad. Quite often, the per capita income of Visakhapatnam surpasses the per capita income of Hyderabad.
False Claims:
A section of Andhra leadership and big business argue that the city of Hyderabad has been developed by investing here most of the revenue income of the Andhra area. It is therefore to be established as to who has invested here and which money it is. In this regard expenditure incurred by the State Government in the government sector and the investments made by the private sector have to be looked into separately.
Regarding Government’s spending, is there any evidence of diverting Andhra area’s revenue income for spending in the capital city? The facts are quite to the contrary. It was initially established in 1969, by the Lalit and Bhargava Committees, constituted by the Government, to look specifically into this question. Further, the details of region-wise Income and Expenditure furnished to the State Assembly by the then Finance Minister, K. Rosaiah, in March 2007, reestablished this fact.
Further, whatever developmental expenditure is incurred in Hyderabad, it is always reckoned as a part and parcel of the expenditure on Telangana. If the relative positions among the regions regarding the developmental expenditure are to be evaluated, then why not the details of expenditure incurred on all the sectors in all the regions be looked into? Why talk only about Hyderabad?
Coming to the private investment in Hyderabad, it is not any new development that has taken place after the formation of Andhra Pradesh. Hyderabad has always been the hub of economic activity for ages, attracting investments from all parts of the country. There are Gujarathees, Maharashtrians, Punjabees, Bengalees, kannadigas, Malayalees, Tamilians, Kayasthas, and also Andhras. All of them came and settled down here, much before the formation of Andhra Pradesh. This trend continued even after the formation of Andhra Pradesh. To facilitate their business, they were given quite a few incentives, including vast areas of land, which entirely belong to Telangana, almost free of cost. They have flourished and made fortunes because of the concessions and facilities provided here. They can always continue their business in Hyderabad, under the law of the land, as in any other part of the country. Therefore, the argument that the city of Hyderabad owes its premier position to the contribution of Andhra region is fallacious.
The votaries of united state of Andhra Pradesh very often exhibit their antipathy towards Telangana by suggesting segregation of Hyderabad city from the rest of Telangana under the untenable pretext that the city was developed by them. They want Hyderabad to be made a joint capital in the event of bifurcation of the state or make it a union territory. It is a fantastic nonsense, to say the least. In this context the questions that need to be answered are:
What is the purpose of a capital city?
Is it for the convenience of the people or comforts of the political elite or profits of the businessmen?
If the primary objective is to ensure the convenience of the people, how will a common man from Andhra come to the capital city, situated outside the territory of his own state? From any direction the distance between Hyderabad and the Andhra State is not less than 250 kilometers. Where is the corridor to travel through this distance? In the event of any disturbance or emergency, will not the capital city become inaccessible to the citizens of Andhra area? Then why create such an anomalous and hazardous situation for the common citizens of Andhra area? The aspect relating to the comforts of political elite does not need any discussion. They will be quite comfortable and happy wherever they are.
Now the main argument centers round the business men. They include real estate brokers, big business mafia and the sharks of corporate houses. Is it the interest of these sections that the capital city of a state is meant for?
Dr. BR Ambedkar’s Views
It may not be out of place to recall that a similar claim was put forth by the Gujaratees on the Bombay city when the erstwhile Bilingual Bombay State was bifurcated into the present Maharashtra and Gujarat States. No less a person than Dr. Ambedkar ridiculed the idea by saying that the investors have, no doubt, a right to set up their business in any part of the country; but by doing so, they cannot become owners of that place. He described them as “mortgagees”. This logic naturally applies to any business house, anywhere in the country, including Hyderabad.
Dr. Ambedkar further asked that if the Bombay city was made a separate state or union territory, where from would it get water and power supply? Will not this logic be applicable to Hyderabad city as well?
He further argued that before entertaining any idea of making Bombay a union territory, one should think of first conferring such status on Madras and Calcutta. The same argument is valid for Hyderabad too.
Cultural Onslaught:
The strategy of Andhra leaders and investors to grab the city of Hyderabad is twofold: one, putting forth fictitious claims on the development of Hyderabad city, for which they are not responsible; and, two, erasing the cultural identity and symbols of heritage forcibly foisting on Hyderabad the symbols of their region.
The identity of Telangana -- its history, culture, language, polity etc.- is eroded because of the deliberate and constant Andhra onslaughts.
One finds, at important places, innumerable statues of only Andhra personalities like N.T. Rama Rao, Kasu Brahmananda Reddy, Damodaram Sanjeevaiah, Puchalapalli Sundaraiah, Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy, Jalagam Vengal Rao etc.. Strangely statues of some more persons who never had anything to do with Hyderabad or Telangana, or even Andhra Pradesh for that matter, are a plenty. They include Tanguturi Prakasam, Potti Sri Ramulu, Alluri Sitarama Raju, Tripuraneni Ramaswamy Chowdary, Raghupati Venkataratnam Naidu, L. V. Prasad, Kattamanchi Ramalinga Reddy etc.
Re-christening places and institutions as Sanjeeva Reddy Nagar, Vengal Rao Nagar, Potti Sri Ramulu Nagar, Sanjeevaiah Park, Brahmananda Reddy Park, Sundaraiah Park, NTR stadium, NTR Ghat, Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy Sagar, Potti Sri Ramulu Telugu University, N.G. Ranga Agricultural University, besides naming structures after Ayyadevara Kaleshwar Rao, Balayogi, Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy is yet another example.
The ruling classes never cared to remember the Telangana stalwarts like K. V. Ranga Reddy, Dasarathi Krishnamacharya, Vattikota Alwar Swamy, Komuram Bhim, Ravi Narayana Reddy, Turrebaz Khan, Shoebulla Khan, Baddam Yella Reddy, Arutla Kamala Devi, Kaloji Narayan Rao and a host of others. Even Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, who was primarily responsible for the merger of Telangana with Andhra state, was also forgotten for a long time. The ongoing debate on Telangana seems to have influenced the State Government to erect his statue recently -- 35 long years after his death. But the place chosen for that is not commensurate with the stature of Burgula and his contribution to the State.
These are the facts of history, geography and polity clubbed with the emotions and sentiments of the people of Telangana!
People of this region, therefore, will never tolerate even the very idea of separating Hyderabad from the rest of Telangana. It will turn out to be an eternal source of friction and unrest with unpredictable consequences.
The legendary city of Hyderabad has a glorious past, spanning a period of nearly five centuries. It was the capital city of the erstwhile Hyderabad State of which the Telangana region was a major component. The blood and sweat of the people of this region have, over generations, gone into the effort of building this great city. It naturally continued to be the capital of the Hyderabad State after its liberation from the feudal regime in 1948. It was by then itself the fifth largest city of India endowed with all magnificent infrastructure facilities and other amenities required for the capital of a state.
The Grandeur of Hyderabad:
On the eve of conditional merger of Telangana with Andhra, Hyderabad was a centre of national attraction with a vast net work of well conceived, well planned, well developed and well maintained structures and institutions. They include --
Buildings required for running the business of the government such as the Raj Bhavan, Legislative Assembly, Legislative Council, Secretariat, High Court, offices of Heads of Departments, residential acco- mmodation for judges, ministers, legislators, officers, government employees and so on;
Premier institutions of health care like Osmania Hospital, Gandhi Hospital, Nilofer Hospital, Quarantine Hospital, Cancer Hospital, ENT Hospital, Maternity Hospital, Hospital for Chest Diseases, Hospital for Mental Diseases, NIMS, Ayurvedic Hospital, Unani Hospital, Homeopathic Hospital etc.;
Prestigious educational institutions such as Osmania University, Nizam’s College, Women’s College, Saifabad College, Secunderabad College, City College, Osmania Medical College, Gandhi Medical College, Ayurvedic Medical College, Unani Medical College, Homeopathic Medical College, Dental College, College of Physical Education besides a large number of Government High Schools and the like;
Civic amenities like protected water supply round the clock, underground drainage system, shopping complexes in Abids, Pattarghatti, Sultan Bazaar and Electricity Board;
Recreational facilities and places of tourist importance like Public Gardens, Tank Bund, Gandipet, Golconda Fort, Mecca Masjid, Charminar, Qutubshahi Tombs, a large number of palaces, Salarjung Museum, to mention a few;
A well developed rail, road and air transport system, including the Secunderabad Railway Station, Nampally, Railway Station, Kachiguda Railway Station, Begumpet Airport, Road Transport Corporation, well maintained cement and black top roads.
Such was the pride of Hyderabad – the heart and soul of Telangana.
The Pathetic Plight of Andhra:
On the contrary, the erstwhile Andhra state, formed on 1st October 1953, was in a pathetic plight without a suitable capital. It would be appropriate to recall the observation of Dr. BR Ambedkar in this regard:
The new Andhra State has no fixed capital. I might incidentally say that I have never heard of the creation of a state without a capital. Mr. Rajagopalachari [the then Chief Minister of Madras State] will not show the government of the proposed Andhra state the courtesy of allowing it to stay in Madras city even for one night… The new government is left to choose its own habitat and construct thereon its own hutments to transact the business. What place can we choose? With what can it construct its hutments? Andhra is Sahara and there are no oases in it. If it chooses some place in this Sahara, it is bound to shift its quarters to a more salubrious place.
Source: Writings and Speeches of Dr. BR Ambedkar, Vol. I
This situation also gets reflected in the agony given vent by several prominent political leaders of the Andhra state and also in the comments in the media. For instance:
Kadapa Koti Reddy, an influential leader of the Rayalaseema region, opined that,
In the Andhra State there is no proper place to locate even district level offices; where is the question of finding place for locating offices for the capital city of the state? (Andhra Patrika: 13-03-1953)
Tanguturi Prakasam, a former Chief Minister of Andhra State, felt that,
All our troubles will be resolved if we get Hyderabad. But how will we get it? We have to think as to how to work for it.
(Andhra Patrika: 02-06-1953)
Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy, the then Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra State, was more emphatic about the unsuitability of Kurnool as the capital of Andhra State and about his eagerness to move away out of it. He said:
People are enthusiastically waiting for moving to Hyderabad. Nobody is feeling the pinch of shifting the state’s capital from Kurnool.
We will assure the people of Telangana, if necessary, that their positions in the cabinet and jobs in the government will be protected.
There was a comment in Andhra Patrika on this statement of Sanjeeva Reddy:
This very gentleman threatened to remain in erstwhile Madras State itself if the capital city of Andhra State was not located in Rayalaseema. (Andhra Patrika: 09-08-1954)
Sanjeeva Reddy further said:
We faced many problems in the last two years. There are no facilities for offices. If we have to wait for five more years as recommended by Fazal Ali, Andhra State will have to face innumerable problems.
(Andhra Patrika: 03-02-1956)
Y. Suryanarayana Rao, a prominent congress leader of those days, aired similar views by observing,
We have already spent one crore rupees on the capital city, Kurnool. We are still spending. Even after spending so much, has Kurnool town got a shape suitable for a capital city? Absolutely not. (Andhra Patrika: 29-09-1954)
Andhra government employees are still in Madras as tenants. The officials are worried about providing residential accommodation to them. There is no hope of completing the construction of new buildings for the Secretariat. In addition, the government employees are worried about the educational facilities for their children in Kurnool. (Andhra Patrika: 01-09-1954)
In addition to the observations made by the political leaders, the comments made in the media too are very much revealing. For instance, Andhra Patrika, a leading Telugu daily of the times was categorical in pointing out the absence of even a single suitable place in Andhra for locating its capital city. It observed -
- Visakha: Where is a road on which two lorries can safely cross each other?
- Kakinada: Where are the buildings suitable in shape and number required for the capital city of the state?
- Rajahmundry: Doesn’t have the basic requirements.
- Bezawada: There are more people than the available open place.
- Guntur: Just sufficient for the people there.
- Hyderabad: The one and the only way out.
(Andhra Patrika: 07-03-1956)
Further, the States Reorganisation Commission also was conscious of all these facts. It may be recalled that the SRC recommended retention of Telangana as a separate state, listing out a variety of reasons there for. Referring to the arguments put forth by the votaries of Visalandhra, the Commission observed,
This will also solve the difficult and vexing problem of finding a permanent capital for Andhra, for the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad are very well suited to be the capital of Vishalandhra.
(SRC Report: Para 371)
Such was the pathetic plight of Andhra which the present political leadership of that area pretends to forget!
Distortion of Facts:
While these are the facts of history on record, an impression is sought to be created by a section of Andhra leadership that the development of the city of Hyderabad took place only after it became the capital city of Andhra Pradesh.
Can there be a bigger false and absurd claim than this?
The fact is that the plight of erstwhile Andhra state in locating its capital city was mitigated only because of the formation of Andhra Pradesh and giving this fabulous city to it, literally on a silver platter, absolutely free of cost.
The development that has taken place in and around the capital city after the formation of Andhra Pradesh is natural and is comparable to the development that has taken place in other major cities of the country. It is to be realized that at the time of formation of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad was the fifth largest city in the country and even now, it continues to be in the same position. On the other hand, the growth of Visakhapatnam has been far higher and faster than the growth of Hyderabad. Quite often, the per capita income of Visakhapatnam surpasses the per capita income of Hyderabad.
False Claims:
A section of Andhra leadership and big business argue that the city of Hyderabad has been developed by investing here most of the revenue income of the Andhra area. It is therefore to be established as to who has invested here and which money it is. In this regard expenditure incurred by the State Government in the government sector and the investments made by the private sector have to be looked into separately.
Regarding Government’s spending, is there any evidence of diverting Andhra area’s revenue income for spending in the capital city? The facts are quite to the contrary. It was initially established in 1969, by the Lalit and Bhargava Committees, constituted by the Government, to look specifically into this question. Further, the details of region-wise Income and Expenditure furnished to the State Assembly by the then Finance Minister, K. Rosaiah, in March 2007, reestablished this fact.
Further, whatever developmental expenditure is incurred in Hyderabad, it is always reckoned as a part and parcel of the expenditure on Telangana. If the relative positions among the regions regarding the developmental expenditure are to be evaluated, then why not the details of expenditure incurred on all the sectors in all the regions be looked into? Why talk only about Hyderabad?
Coming to the private investment in Hyderabad, it is not any new development that has taken place after the formation of Andhra Pradesh. Hyderabad has always been the hub of economic activity for ages, attracting investments from all parts of the country. There are Gujarathees, Maharashtrians, Punjabees, Bengalees, kannadigas, Malayalees, Tamilians, Kayasthas, and also Andhras. All of them came and settled down here, much before the formation of Andhra Pradesh. This trend continued even after the formation of Andhra Pradesh. To facilitate their business, they were given quite a few incentives, including vast areas of land, which entirely belong to Telangana, almost free of cost. They have flourished and made fortunes because of the concessions and facilities provided here. They can always continue their business in Hyderabad, under the law of the land, as in any other part of the country. Therefore, the argument that the city of Hyderabad owes its premier position to the contribution of Andhra region is fallacious.
The votaries of united state of Andhra Pradesh very often exhibit their antipathy towards Telangana by suggesting segregation of Hyderabad city from the rest of Telangana under the untenable pretext that the city was developed by them. They want Hyderabad to be made a joint capital in the event of bifurcation of the state or make it a union territory. It is a fantastic nonsense, to say the least. In this context the questions that need to be answered are:
What is the purpose of a capital city?
Is it for the convenience of the people or comforts of the political elite or profits of the businessmen?
If the primary objective is to ensure the convenience of the people, how will a common man from Andhra come to the capital city, situated outside the territory of his own state? From any direction the distance between Hyderabad and the Andhra State is not less than 250 kilometers. Where is the corridor to travel through this distance? In the event of any disturbance or emergency, will not the capital city become inaccessible to the citizens of Andhra area? Then why create such an anomalous and hazardous situation for the common citizens of Andhra area? The aspect relating to the comforts of political elite does not need any discussion. They will be quite comfortable and happy wherever they are.
Now the main argument centers round the business men. They include real estate brokers, big business mafia and the sharks of corporate houses. Is it the interest of these sections that the capital city of a state is meant for?
Dr. BR Ambedkar’s Views
It may not be out of place to recall that a similar claim was put forth by the Gujaratees on the Bombay city when the erstwhile Bilingual Bombay State was bifurcated into the present Maharashtra and Gujarat States. No less a person than Dr. Ambedkar ridiculed the idea by saying that the investors have, no doubt, a right to set up their business in any part of the country; but by doing so, they cannot become owners of that place. He described them as “mortgagees”. This logic naturally applies to any business house, anywhere in the country, including Hyderabad.
Dr. Ambedkar further asked that if the Bombay city was made a separate state or union territory, where from would it get water and power supply? Will not this logic be applicable to Hyderabad city as well?
He further argued that before entertaining any idea of making Bombay a union territory, one should think of first conferring such status on Madras and Calcutta. The same argument is valid for Hyderabad too.
Cultural Onslaught:
The strategy of Andhra leaders and investors to grab the city of Hyderabad is twofold: one, putting forth fictitious claims on the development of Hyderabad city, for which they are not responsible; and, two, erasing the cultural identity and symbols of heritage forcibly foisting on Hyderabad the symbols of their region.
The identity of Telangana -- its history, culture, language, polity etc.- is eroded because of the deliberate and constant Andhra onslaughts.
One finds, at important places, innumerable statues of only Andhra personalities like N.T. Rama Rao, Kasu Brahmananda Reddy, Damodaram Sanjeevaiah, Puchalapalli Sundaraiah, Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy, Jalagam Vengal Rao etc.. Strangely statues of some more persons who never had anything to do with Hyderabad or Telangana, or even Andhra Pradesh for that matter, are a plenty. They include Tanguturi Prakasam, Potti Sri Ramulu, Alluri Sitarama Raju, Tripuraneni Ramaswamy Chowdary, Raghupati Venkataratnam Naidu, L. V. Prasad, Kattamanchi Ramalinga Reddy etc.
Re-christening places and institutions as Sanjeeva Reddy Nagar, Vengal Rao Nagar, Potti Sri Ramulu Nagar, Sanjeevaiah Park, Brahmananda Reddy Park, Sundaraiah Park, NTR stadium, NTR Ghat, Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy Sagar, Potti Sri Ramulu Telugu University, N.G. Ranga Agricultural University, besides naming structures after Ayyadevara Kaleshwar Rao, Balayogi, Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy is yet another example.
The ruling classes never cared to remember the Telangana stalwarts like K. V. Ranga Reddy, Dasarathi Krishnamacharya, Vattikota Alwar Swamy, Komuram Bhim, Ravi Narayana Reddy, Turrebaz Khan, Shoebulla Khan, Baddam Yella Reddy, Arutla Kamala Devi, Kaloji Narayan Rao and a host of others. Even Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, who was primarily responsible for the merger of Telangana with Andhra state, was also forgotten for a long time. The ongoing debate on Telangana seems to have influenced the State Government to erect his statue recently -- 35 long years after his death. But the place chosen for that is not commensurate with the stature of Burgula and his contribution to the State.
These are the facts of history, geography and polity clubbed with the emotions and sentiments of the people of Telangana!
People of this region, therefore, will never tolerate even the very idea of separating Hyderabad from the rest of Telangana. It will turn out to be an eternal source of friction and unrest with unpredictable consequences.
TRS-SKC...abt EDUCATION
Education
Development of education affects and, in turn gets affected, by the pace of economic development. There is a bidirectional linkage. In this process, low rate of literacy and economic backwardness sustain each other. This is precisely the problem of Telangana.
The forced coexistence of Telangana with Andhra for more than half a century has thrown the region into a very unenviable position in the realm of literacy not only within the regions in the State, but also across the states in the country .
At the time of formation of Andhra Pradesh, it was assured that disparities in the levels of development in different regions of the state, including the field of education, would be removed in five to ten years of time. But even after five and a half decades, the literacy rate in the Telangana region continues to be lowest in the State. The region-wise details are given in the following table:
Table-- I
Literacy Rates (2001 Census)
S. No
Region
Literacy Rate (%)
Persons Males Females
1.
Andhra
62.90 72.00
53.50
2.. Telangana
57.70
68.40
46.80
Andhra Pradesh
60.40
70.30
50.40
Source: Census of India, 2001
It is to be further noted that if the capital city with a literacy rate of 78.80 is not taken into account, the literacy rate of nine districts of Telangana is less compared to North Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema, said to be the most backward areas of the State.
In this scenario the Telangana region ranks 32 among the 35 States (including 7 Union Territories) at the national level.
With regard to the literacy of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes of the region, the position is much worse, as is evident from the following figures:
Table-- II
Literacy Rates of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
S.No
Region
Category
Literacy Rate (%)
Persons
Males
Females
1. 1.
Andhra
SCs
STs
47.60
38.40
66.60
47.40
42.50
29.30
2.
Telangana
SCs
STs
47.10
33.30
58.30
44.50
35.60
21.60
Andhra Pradesh
SCs
STs 63.50
37.00 63.50
47.70 43.40
26.10
Source: Census of India, 2001
The main reason for the prevalence of low literary rate in Telangana is the result of uneven distribution of educational facilities in different regions of the State. The important factor to be kept in view in this regard is the percentage of population spread over the regions of the State, i.e., 41.58% in Coastal Andhra, 17.73% in Rayalaseema and 40.69% in Telangana. This is necessary to assess the adequacy or otherwise of the facilities of education created vis-a-vis the size of the population and the levels of literacy achieved. The removal of regional disparities would be possible only when the government takes special care in providing the necessary facilities. But it has not happened in the case of Telangana.
A perusal of the statistics published and released every year by the Directorate of Economics and Statistics of the State Government makes startling revelations. Between 1956 and 2001, spanning a period of 45 years, at no point of time the enrollment of students at the primary school level – a crucial stage – was more than 32-33 percent. It should have been at least 40.69 percent of the total enrollment in the state. Though from the year 2001 onwards, there has been some improvement with regard to enrollment in this region, the higher dropout rate here is nullifying the end result. The region-wise dropout rates relating to classes I-V registered during the year 2007-08 are as follows:
Table-- III
Dropout Rates (Classes I-V), 2007-08
S. No Region Dropout Rate (%)
1
2
3 Coastal Andhra
Rayalaseema
Telangana
Andhra Pradesh 23.69
13.41
62.90
100
Source: Statistical Abstract, 2008; Directorate of Economics and Statistics, AP
One of the major factors for the highest dropout rate in Telangana is the poverty of the parents, which is the consequence of economic backwardness of the region.
Collegiate Education
The situation prevailing in the sphere of collegiate education (Degree and Junior Colleges) is also more or less the same as at the primary school level. It becomes evident from the number of teachers working in these colleges, managed by the State Government and the private aided colleges receiving grant-in-aid from the government. It is well known that the salary component paid to the teaching and supporting staff of these institutions constitutes more than 90% of the total expenditure incurred by the government on these institutions. The region wise details of staff working in such institutions, and thereby the extent of expenditure incurred on them, culled out from the official statistics for the year 2007-08 are given hereunder:
Degree Colleges:
Table--IV
Number of Teachers in Government and Aided Degree Colleges
S. No Region No. of Teachers Actual % Entitlement %
1. Andhra 8828 70.5 59.31
2. Telangana
3709
29.50
40.69
Andhra Pradesh
12,537
100
100
Source: Statistical Abstract, 2008; Directorate of Economics and Statistics, AP
These figures make it abundantly clear that only 29.50% of the expenditure is incurred on the Telangana region against its entitlement of a minimum of 40.69%. Obviously a disproportionately higher allocation is made to the other regions.
Further, a look at the quantum of grant-in-aid released by the State Government to the private aided colleges for the year 2008-09 throws some more light on the discriminatory policies of the State Government. It could be seen in the following table:
Table-- V
Grant-in-Aid Released to Private Aided Degree Colleges (2008-09)
S. No. Region
Grant-in-Aid
(in Rupees) Actual %
Entitlement %
1. Andhra 1,521,445,289 75.25 59.31
2. Telangana 49,89,60,900 24.75 40.69
Andhra Pradesh 202,14,05,189 100 100
Source: Commissionaraite of Collegiate Education, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh
Further details to be noted are:
i. The nine Telangana districts (excluding the capital city) account for Rs. 17,05,51,900, i.e. just 8.41% of the total grant released for the entire state.
ii. In Coastal Andhra, just two districts (Krishna and Guntur) get Rs. 61, 42,47,000 i.e., 30.38% of the total grant meant for the 23 districts of the State.
Junior Colleges:
The position obtaining in the Government and Government aided Junior Colleges also is more or less the same. In the case of Government Junior Colleges, the staffing pattern is balanced at the moment. But it is offset by the staffing pattern of the Aided Private Junior Colleges which is very much disadvantageous to Telangana. The details are given in Table VI:
Table--VI
Number of Posts of Teachers in Government and Aided Junior Colleges
S. No Region No. of Posts Actual % Entitlement %
1. Andhra
Government
Aided
4588
1578
49.57
79.98
59.31
2.
Telangana
Government
Aided
4668
395
50.43
20.02
40.69
Andhra Pradesh
Government
Aided
9256
1973
100
100
100
Source: Board of Intermediate Education, AP
A peripheral look at these figures creates an impression that with regard to number of posts of teachers in Government Junior Colleges, Telangana is in a better position. But the fact is that more than half of these posts are kept vacant with the possibility of abolishing them altogether. This policy is being pursued silently but effectively in a phased manner. It is happening in Andhra area also to some extent. But it is being compensated by admitting to grant-in-aid a large number of posts in Private Aided Colleges. Whereas, in Telangana area the number of posts admitted to grant-in-aid is a staggering 20%.
Universities
There are two categories of universities in the State funded by the State Government.
i. Universities with state-wide jurisdiction – 17 in number.
ii. Universities with jurisdiction restricted to specific region or district – 16 in number.
Table-- VII
Universities with State-wide Jurisdiction
1. Coastal Andhra:
1. NTR University of Health Sciences (Vijayawada)
2. AP Horticultural University (West Godavari)
3. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University, JNTU, (Kakinada)
4. AP University of Law (Visakhapatnam)
5. Dravidian University (Kuppam)
6. Sri Padmavathi Women’s University (Tirupathi)
7. SV Institute of Medical Sciences, SVIMS (Tirupathi)
8. SV Vedic University (Tirupathi)
9. SV University of Veterinary Sciences (Tirupathi)
10. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University, JNTU, (Ananthapur)
11. Rajiv Gandhi University of Knowledge and Technology, RGUKT (Idupulapaya)
2. Telangana:
1. Acharya NG Ranga Agricultural University
2. Dr. BR Ambedkar Open University
3. Potti Sriramulu Telugu University
4. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University, JNTU
5. Nizam’s Institute of Medical Sciences
6. Jawaharlal Nehru University of Architecture and Fine Arts
(Telangana, 9 districts NONE)
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education.
In this context, there are quite a few intriguing facts to be noted:
i. The JNTU was actually established in Warangal (Telangana); but was subsequently shifted to Hyderabad under the pretext of locating all state level universities of the State in the capital city. It was done by the then Congress Government.
ii. The Open University was originally launched on the northern banks of Nagarjuna Sagar in Nalgonda district (Telangana); but was shifted within two months to Hyderabad, again, on the same pretext. And this was done by the NTR led TDP government.
iii. The same NTR started the University of Health Sciences in Vijayawada (Coastal Andhra) and the Women’s University in Tirupathi (Rayalaseema), conveniently forgetting the convention of locating the state level universities in the capital city.
iv. NTR’s successor and son-in-law Chandrababu Naidu followed his footsteps and located the Dravidian University in a remote village Kuppam and SVIMS in Tirupathi -- both in the Rayalaseema region.
v. Rajasekhar Reddy continued this practice without any reason or restraint and went on the spree of establishing state level universities mostly in Rayalaseema and Andhra regions. They are:
a) Horticulture University in West Godavari District (Coastal Andhra)
b) Law University in Visakhapatnam (Coastal Andhra)
c) University of Veterinary Sciences in Tirupathi (Rayalseema)
d) Vedic University in Tirupathi (Rayalseema)
e) RGUKT in Idupulapaya, a village in Kadapa (Rayalseema)
vi. State level universities situated in the capital city have a few noteworthy dimensions:
a) When JNTU was shifted from Warangal to Hyderabad, it was endowed with the facility of having two constituent colleges, one in Kakinada (Coastal Andhra) and the other in Ananthpur (Rayalaseema), but none in Telangana. Recently, JNTU has been trifurcated by upgrading the campuses at Kakinada and Ananthapur into full-fledged universities and truncating the jurisdiction of the parent university in the capital city. But the nine districts of Telangana do not have a JNTU like the other two regions.
b) The story of Agricultural University is much more difficult to comprehend. All the courses offered by this university were once an integral part of Osmania University. Therefore, all the seats were available mostly, if not exclusively, to the students of Telangana. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh, all the departments of this discipline were taken away from the Osmania University to form the present state level agricultural university. As a result, the students of Telangana are left with a mere 36% of the seats. It has not stopped at that. The establishment of the University of Veterinary Sciences at Tirupathi (Rayalaseema) and horticultural University in West Godavari (Andhra) caused considerable erosion in the significance of the parent agricultural university, which, in fact, is an offshoot of Osmania University.
vii. Location of a university in a district place facilitates and contributes to the development of that area. For instance, the University of Health Sciences in Vijayawada and SVIMS in Tirupathi have improved the medical facilities in and around those towns, besides providing employment opportunities to the locals. Similarly, the Dravidian University has considerably changed the face of Kuppam, a small svillage in the Rayalaseema region. Likewise four state level universities, besides one regional university, have made Tirupathi town compete with the capital city itself in the field of higher education.
viii. Discrimination in the appointment of vice chancellors and recruitment of staff in these state level universities is more pronounced. At present (2010) hardly three of the seventeen vice chancellors hail from the Telangana region. With regard to the recruitment of staff, none from Telangana gets entry into the universities situated in the Andhra and Rayalaseema regions; whereas the gates of all such universities located in Hyderabad are open to everyone. Here, the doctrine of “Might is Right” works; and, in the process, the Telangana component of staff gets restricted to hardly 10% of the total staff.
Table-- VIII
Universities with Regional/District Level Jurisdiction
I. Andhra:
1. Andhra University (Visakhapatnam)
2. Acharya nagarjuna university (Guntur)
3. Adikavi nannayya Univeiversity (Rajamundry)
4. Dr. BR Ambedkar University (Srikakulam)
5. Krishna University (Machilipatnam)
6. Vikrama Simhapuri University (Nellore)
7. Sri Venkateswara University (Tirupathi)
8. Sri Krishna Devaraya University (Ananthapur)
9. Yogi Vemana University (Kadapa)
10. Rayalaseema University (Kurnool)
II. Telangana:
1. Osmania Universwity (Hyderabad)
2. Kakatiya University (Warangal)
3. Telangana Univwrsity (Nizamabad)
4. Mahatma Gandhi University (Nalgonda)
5. Satavahana University (Karimnagar)
6. Palamoor University (Mahboobnagar)
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education
Region wise dispersal of these universities appears to be balanced, prima facie. But with regard to the allocation of funds, the discrimination against Telangana is blatant. Before the year 2004, the number of these universities in the State was six -- two in each region. The release of grants to these universities has all along been discriminatory, discernable in the per capita expenditure incurred on the students of different universities. The position computed on the basis of grants released between 2005 and 2009 is as under:
Table-- IX
Per Capita Block Grant to the Six Old Universities (2004 to 2009)
S. No
Region University Per Capita Block Grant
(In Rupees)
1.
Andhra
I. Andhra
II. Nagarjuna
III. Sri Venkateswara
IV. Sri Krishna Devaraya
35,500
22,700
37, 500
25,000
2.
Telangana
tT
I. Osmania
II. Kakatiya
17,400
14,000
Source: Budget Documents for the Years 2004-2009 presented to the AP Assembly
Further, due to its location in the capital city, the Osmania University has ceased to be a university meant exclusively for the students of the Telangana region. Thereby, the students of Telangana are deprived of their rightful share in their own region. This kind of problem does not arise in the regional universities situated in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema.
During Rajasekhar Reddy’s tenure as the Chief Minister, ten new regional/district level universities have been established – four each in Coastal Andhra and Telangana and two in Rayalaseema. Numerically, it appears judicious; but, the pattern of the release of grants to these universities is atrocious. For instance, the Yogi Vemana University in Kadapa, Telangana University in Nizambad and Mahatma Gandhi University in Nalgonda were started at the same time. The grants released to these universities from their inception till 2009 are as under:
Table X
Block Grant Released to Some New Universities (2006 to 2009)
S. No
University
Block Grant Released
(In Rupees)
1
Telangana University
(Nizambad, Telangana)
29,50,00,000
2
Mahatma Gandhi University
(Nalgonda, Telangana)
30,51,00,000
3 Yogi Vemana University
(Kadapa, Rayalaseema)
300,00,00,000
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education
Can there be a more blatant example of discrimination against Telangana?
Professional Education
In this section, the institutions offering professional courses in Medicine and Engineering funded and managed by the State Government are taken into consideration. There has no doubt been an indiscriminate proliferation of private colleges offering these courses; but, they are mostly commercial in nature. They are, therefore, not accessible to the clientele, especially in the backward areas.
Medical Education:
A region wise breakup of the government medical colleges is given in the following table:
Table E-XI
Government Medical Colleges
Region
No.of Seats
I. Andhra:
1. Andhra Medical College (Visakhapatnam)
2. Rangaraya Medical College (Kakinada)
3. Guntur Medical College (Guntur)
4. Ragiv Gandhi Institute of medical Sciences (Srikakulam)
5. Siddhartha Medical College (Vijayawada)
6. Sri Venkateswara Medical College (Tirupathi)
7. Government Medical College (Kurnool)
8. Government Medical College (Ananthapur)
9. Ragiv Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences (Cudappa)
150
150
150
100
100
150
150
100
150
Total Seats
% of Total Seats
% of Entitlement 1200
66.67
59.31
II. Telangana:
1. Osmania Medical College (Hyderabad)
2. Gandhi Medical College (Hyderabad)
3. Kakatiya Medical College (Warangal)
4. Ragiv Gandhi Institute of medical Sciences (Adilabad)
200
150
150 100
Total Seats
% of Total Seats
% of Entitlement 600
33.33
40.69
A.P. Total 1800
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education.
It clarifies that the distribution of these colleges is not in proportion to either the number of districts or the population of a region. While the four districts of Rayalaseema, have four colleges, the Telangana region comprising ten districts has, paradoxically, the same number of colleges. Thus while the Rayalaseema with a population of 17. 73% has access to 30.55% of total seats; the Telangana with a population of 40.69% has to satisfy itself with only 33.33% of the total seats.
It is also to be noted that out of 600 seats available in the Telangana colleges, 350 seats are available in the capital city in the two colleges established by the erstwhile Hyderabad Government. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh, these seats ceased to be the exclusive prerogative of the natives of Telangana. Such a problem does not exist in the Andhra and Rayalaseema regions.
Table XII
Government Dental Colleges
Region No. of Seats
Actual %
Entitlement %
i. Andhra:
a. Government Dental College (Vijayawada) 40
b. Government Dental College (Cudappa) 100
Total 140 77.78 59.31
ii. Telangana:
a. Government Dental College (Hyderabad)
40 22.22
40.69
Andhra Pradesh Total 180 100
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education.
The discrimination is so glaring, that it hardly needs any explanation.
Technical Education:
The region wise dispersal of institutions offering Engineering and Technical education is given in the following table:
Table-- XIII
Colleges of Engineering and Technology: Public Sector
Region No. of Seats
I. Andhra:
1. Andhra University Engineering College (Visakhapatnam)
2. JNTU (Kakinada)
3. JNTU College of Engineering (Vijayanagaram)
4. JNTU ( Ananthapur)
5. JNTU College of Engineering (Pulivendula)
6. School of Engineering and Technology, Women’s
University (Tirupathi)
7. SV University College of Engineering (Tirupathi)
8. SKD College of Engineering (Ananthapur)
9. Yogi Vemana University College of
Engineering(Poddatur)
10. College of Agricultural Engineering (Ananthapur )
11. College of Food Sciences and Technology (Pulivendula)
12. Dairy Technology Programme (Tirupathi)
410
250
300
300
300
240
260
180
300
45
20
20
Total 2625
% of Total Seats
Entitlement % 69.82
59.31
II. Telangana:
1. JNTU ( Hyderabad)
2. Osmania University College of Engineering (Hyderabad)
3. Osmania University College of Technology (Hyderabad)
4. Kakatiya University College of Engineering (Kothagudem)
5. JNTU College of Engineering (Karimnagar)
6. Dairy Technology Programme ( Kamaraddy)
290
320
100
105
300
20
Total 1135
% of Total Seats
Entitlement % 30.18
40.69
A.P. Total 3760
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education.
Note: As in the case of Medical Education the allocation of seats in the Engineering colleges is also glaringly disproportionate. While 44.29% of seats are available for 17.73% of population in Rayalaseema, the 40.69% of Telangana population has access to only 30.18% of seats in Engineering colleges. Further, out of 1135 seats available in Telangana, 710 are concentrated in the capital city alone. As explained earlier, these seats in the capital city ceased to be available exclusively for the Telangana clientele.
Admission to State Level Institutions -- Injustice to Telangana:
Admission of students to various state level universities and institutions is regulated on the basis of allocation of seats made to three areas in the State demarcated for this purpose. They are: Andhra University area covering the Coastal Andhra region, excluding Nellore district; SV University area consisting of the Rayalaseema region plus Nellore district; and, Osmania University area comprising the entire Telangana region. Therefore, Telangana’s rightful share in all these institutions should be 40.69% of the total number of seats available. But, ironically, it is restricted to only 36%; and it has been going on for decades.
The questions that arise out of this scenario are:
Can anyone assess and compensate the loss caused all these years to the youth of Telangana in the field of education, especially higher and professional education?
What would be its impact if this unjust and irrational formula continues to be operational even in the years to come?
Development of education affects and, in turn gets affected, by the pace of economic development. There is a bidirectional linkage. In this process, low rate of literacy and economic backwardness sustain each other. This is precisely the problem of Telangana.
The forced coexistence of Telangana with Andhra for more than half a century has thrown the region into a very unenviable position in the realm of literacy not only within the regions in the State, but also across the states in the country .
At the time of formation of Andhra Pradesh, it was assured that disparities in the levels of development in different regions of the state, including the field of education, would be removed in five to ten years of time. But even after five and a half decades, the literacy rate in the Telangana region continues to be lowest in the State. The region-wise details are given in the following table:
Table-- I
Literacy Rates (2001 Census)
S. No
Region
Literacy Rate (%)
Persons Males Females
1.
Andhra
62.90 72.00
53.50
2.. Telangana
57.70
68.40
46.80
Andhra Pradesh
60.40
70.30
50.40
Source: Census of India, 2001
It is to be further noted that if the capital city with a literacy rate of 78.80 is not taken into account, the literacy rate of nine districts of Telangana is less compared to North Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema, said to be the most backward areas of the State.
In this scenario the Telangana region ranks 32 among the 35 States (including 7 Union Territories) at the national level.
With regard to the literacy of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes of the region, the position is much worse, as is evident from the following figures:
Table-- II
Literacy Rates of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
S.No
Region
Category
Literacy Rate (%)
Persons
Males
Females
1. 1.
Andhra
SCs
STs
47.60
38.40
66.60
47.40
42.50
29.30
2.
Telangana
SCs
STs
47.10
33.30
58.30
44.50
35.60
21.60
Andhra Pradesh
SCs
STs 63.50
37.00 63.50
47.70 43.40
26.10
Source: Census of India, 2001
The main reason for the prevalence of low literary rate in Telangana is the result of uneven distribution of educational facilities in different regions of the State. The important factor to be kept in view in this regard is the percentage of population spread over the regions of the State, i.e., 41.58% in Coastal Andhra, 17.73% in Rayalaseema and 40.69% in Telangana. This is necessary to assess the adequacy or otherwise of the facilities of education created vis-a-vis the size of the population and the levels of literacy achieved. The removal of regional disparities would be possible only when the government takes special care in providing the necessary facilities. But it has not happened in the case of Telangana.
A perusal of the statistics published and released every year by the Directorate of Economics and Statistics of the State Government makes startling revelations. Between 1956 and 2001, spanning a period of 45 years, at no point of time the enrollment of students at the primary school level – a crucial stage – was more than 32-33 percent. It should have been at least 40.69 percent of the total enrollment in the state. Though from the year 2001 onwards, there has been some improvement with regard to enrollment in this region, the higher dropout rate here is nullifying the end result. The region-wise dropout rates relating to classes I-V registered during the year 2007-08 are as follows:
Table-- III
Dropout Rates (Classes I-V), 2007-08
S. No Region Dropout Rate (%)
1
2
3 Coastal Andhra
Rayalaseema
Telangana
Andhra Pradesh 23.69
13.41
62.90
100
Source: Statistical Abstract, 2008; Directorate of Economics and Statistics, AP
One of the major factors for the highest dropout rate in Telangana is the poverty of the parents, which is the consequence of economic backwardness of the region.
Collegiate Education
The situation prevailing in the sphere of collegiate education (Degree and Junior Colleges) is also more or less the same as at the primary school level. It becomes evident from the number of teachers working in these colleges, managed by the State Government and the private aided colleges receiving grant-in-aid from the government. It is well known that the salary component paid to the teaching and supporting staff of these institutions constitutes more than 90% of the total expenditure incurred by the government on these institutions. The region wise details of staff working in such institutions, and thereby the extent of expenditure incurred on them, culled out from the official statistics for the year 2007-08 are given hereunder:
Degree Colleges:
Table--IV
Number of Teachers in Government and Aided Degree Colleges
S. No Region No. of Teachers Actual % Entitlement %
1. Andhra 8828 70.5 59.31
2. Telangana
3709
29.50
40.69
Andhra Pradesh
12,537
100
100
Source: Statistical Abstract, 2008; Directorate of Economics and Statistics, AP
These figures make it abundantly clear that only 29.50% of the expenditure is incurred on the Telangana region against its entitlement of a minimum of 40.69%. Obviously a disproportionately higher allocation is made to the other regions.
Further, a look at the quantum of grant-in-aid released by the State Government to the private aided colleges for the year 2008-09 throws some more light on the discriminatory policies of the State Government. It could be seen in the following table:
Table-- V
Grant-in-Aid Released to Private Aided Degree Colleges (2008-09)
S. No. Region
Grant-in-Aid
(in Rupees) Actual %
Entitlement %
1. Andhra 1,521,445,289 75.25 59.31
2. Telangana 49,89,60,900 24.75 40.69
Andhra Pradesh 202,14,05,189 100 100
Source: Commissionaraite of Collegiate Education, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh
Further details to be noted are:
i. The nine Telangana districts (excluding the capital city) account for Rs. 17,05,51,900, i.e. just 8.41% of the total grant released for the entire state.
ii. In Coastal Andhra, just two districts (Krishna and Guntur) get Rs. 61, 42,47,000 i.e., 30.38% of the total grant meant for the 23 districts of the State.
Junior Colleges:
The position obtaining in the Government and Government aided Junior Colleges also is more or less the same. In the case of Government Junior Colleges, the staffing pattern is balanced at the moment. But it is offset by the staffing pattern of the Aided Private Junior Colleges which is very much disadvantageous to Telangana. The details are given in Table VI:
Table--VI
Number of Posts of Teachers in Government and Aided Junior Colleges
S. No Region No. of Posts Actual % Entitlement %
1. Andhra
Government
Aided
4588
1578
49.57
79.98
59.31
2.
Telangana
Government
Aided
4668
395
50.43
20.02
40.69
Andhra Pradesh
Government
Aided
9256
1973
100
100
100
Source: Board of Intermediate Education, AP
A peripheral look at these figures creates an impression that with regard to number of posts of teachers in Government Junior Colleges, Telangana is in a better position. But the fact is that more than half of these posts are kept vacant with the possibility of abolishing them altogether. This policy is being pursued silently but effectively in a phased manner. It is happening in Andhra area also to some extent. But it is being compensated by admitting to grant-in-aid a large number of posts in Private Aided Colleges. Whereas, in Telangana area the number of posts admitted to grant-in-aid is a staggering 20%.
Universities
There are two categories of universities in the State funded by the State Government.
i. Universities with state-wide jurisdiction – 17 in number.
ii. Universities with jurisdiction restricted to specific region or district – 16 in number.
Table-- VII
Universities with State-wide Jurisdiction
1. Coastal Andhra:
1. NTR University of Health Sciences (Vijayawada)
2. AP Horticultural University (West Godavari)
3. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University, JNTU, (Kakinada)
4. AP University of Law (Visakhapatnam)
5. Dravidian University (Kuppam)
6. Sri Padmavathi Women’s University (Tirupathi)
7. SV Institute of Medical Sciences, SVIMS (Tirupathi)
8. SV Vedic University (Tirupathi)
9. SV University of Veterinary Sciences (Tirupathi)
10. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University, JNTU, (Ananthapur)
11. Rajiv Gandhi University of Knowledge and Technology, RGUKT (Idupulapaya)
2. Telangana:
1. Acharya NG Ranga Agricultural University
2. Dr. BR Ambedkar Open University
3. Potti Sriramulu Telugu University
4. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University, JNTU
5. Nizam’s Institute of Medical Sciences
6. Jawaharlal Nehru University of Architecture and Fine Arts
(Telangana, 9 districts NONE)
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education.
In this context, there are quite a few intriguing facts to be noted:
i. The JNTU was actually established in Warangal (Telangana); but was subsequently shifted to Hyderabad under the pretext of locating all state level universities of the State in the capital city. It was done by the then Congress Government.
ii. The Open University was originally launched on the northern banks of Nagarjuna Sagar in Nalgonda district (Telangana); but was shifted within two months to Hyderabad, again, on the same pretext. And this was done by the NTR led TDP government.
iii. The same NTR started the University of Health Sciences in Vijayawada (Coastal Andhra) and the Women’s University in Tirupathi (Rayalaseema), conveniently forgetting the convention of locating the state level universities in the capital city.
iv. NTR’s successor and son-in-law Chandrababu Naidu followed his footsteps and located the Dravidian University in a remote village Kuppam and SVIMS in Tirupathi -- both in the Rayalaseema region.
v. Rajasekhar Reddy continued this practice without any reason or restraint and went on the spree of establishing state level universities mostly in Rayalaseema and Andhra regions. They are:
a) Horticulture University in West Godavari District (Coastal Andhra)
b) Law University in Visakhapatnam (Coastal Andhra)
c) University of Veterinary Sciences in Tirupathi (Rayalseema)
d) Vedic University in Tirupathi (Rayalseema)
e) RGUKT in Idupulapaya, a village in Kadapa (Rayalseema)
vi. State level universities situated in the capital city have a few noteworthy dimensions:
a) When JNTU was shifted from Warangal to Hyderabad, it was endowed with the facility of having two constituent colleges, one in Kakinada (Coastal Andhra) and the other in Ananthpur (Rayalaseema), but none in Telangana. Recently, JNTU has been trifurcated by upgrading the campuses at Kakinada and Ananthapur into full-fledged universities and truncating the jurisdiction of the parent university in the capital city. But the nine districts of Telangana do not have a JNTU like the other two regions.
b) The story of Agricultural University is much more difficult to comprehend. All the courses offered by this university were once an integral part of Osmania University. Therefore, all the seats were available mostly, if not exclusively, to the students of Telangana. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh, all the departments of this discipline were taken away from the Osmania University to form the present state level agricultural university. As a result, the students of Telangana are left with a mere 36% of the seats. It has not stopped at that. The establishment of the University of Veterinary Sciences at Tirupathi (Rayalaseema) and horticultural University in West Godavari (Andhra) caused considerable erosion in the significance of the parent agricultural university, which, in fact, is an offshoot of Osmania University.
vii. Location of a university in a district place facilitates and contributes to the development of that area. For instance, the University of Health Sciences in Vijayawada and SVIMS in Tirupathi have improved the medical facilities in and around those towns, besides providing employment opportunities to the locals. Similarly, the Dravidian University has considerably changed the face of Kuppam, a small svillage in the Rayalaseema region. Likewise four state level universities, besides one regional university, have made Tirupathi town compete with the capital city itself in the field of higher education.
viii. Discrimination in the appointment of vice chancellors and recruitment of staff in these state level universities is more pronounced. At present (2010) hardly three of the seventeen vice chancellors hail from the Telangana region. With regard to the recruitment of staff, none from Telangana gets entry into the universities situated in the Andhra and Rayalaseema regions; whereas the gates of all such universities located in Hyderabad are open to everyone. Here, the doctrine of “Might is Right” works; and, in the process, the Telangana component of staff gets restricted to hardly 10% of the total staff.
Table-- VIII
Universities with Regional/District Level Jurisdiction
I. Andhra:
1. Andhra University (Visakhapatnam)
2. Acharya nagarjuna university (Guntur)
3. Adikavi nannayya Univeiversity (Rajamundry)
4. Dr. BR Ambedkar University (Srikakulam)
5. Krishna University (Machilipatnam)
6. Vikrama Simhapuri University (Nellore)
7. Sri Venkateswara University (Tirupathi)
8. Sri Krishna Devaraya University (Ananthapur)
9. Yogi Vemana University (Kadapa)
10. Rayalaseema University (Kurnool)
II. Telangana:
1. Osmania Universwity (Hyderabad)
2. Kakatiya University (Warangal)
3. Telangana Univwrsity (Nizamabad)
4. Mahatma Gandhi University (Nalgonda)
5. Satavahana University (Karimnagar)
6. Palamoor University (Mahboobnagar)
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education
Region wise dispersal of these universities appears to be balanced, prima facie. But with regard to the allocation of funds, the discrimination against Telangana is blatant. Before the year 2004, the number of these universities in the State was six -- two in each region. The release of grants to these universities has all along been discriminatory, discernable in the per capita expenditure incurred on the students of different universities. The position computed on the basis of grants released between 2005 and 2009 is as under:
Table-- IX
Per Capita Block Grant to the Six Old Universities (2004 to 2009)
S. No
Region University Per Capita Block Grant
(In Rupees)
1.
Andhra
I. Andhra
II. Nagarjuna
III. Sri Venkateswara
IV. Sri Krishna Devaraya
35,500
22,700
37, 500
25,000
2.
Telangana
tT
I. Osmania
II. Kakatiya
17,400
14,000
Source: Budget Documents for the Years 2004-2009 presented to the AP Assembly
Further, due to its location in the capital city, the Osmania University has ceased to be a university meant exclusively for the students of the Telangana region. Thereby, the students of Telangana are deprived of their rightful share in their own region. This kind of problem does not arise in the regional universities situated in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema.
During Rajasekhar Reddy’s tenure as the Chief Minister, ten new regional/district level universities have been established – four each in Coastal Andhra and Telangana and two in Rayalaseema. Numerically, it appears judicious; but, the pattern of the release of grants to these universities is atrocious. For instance, the Yogi Vemana University in Kadapa, Telangana University in Nizambad and Mahatma Gandhi University in Nalgonda were started at the same time. The grants released to these universities from their inception till 2009 are as under:
Table X
Block Grant Released to Some New Universities (2006 to 2009)
S. No
University
Block Grant Released
(In Rupees)
1
Telangana University
(Nizambad, Telangana)
29,50,00,000
2
Mahatma Gandhi University
(Nalgonda, Telangana)
30,51,00,000
3 Yogi Vemana University
(Kadapa, Rayalaseema)
300,00,00,000
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education
Can there be a more blatant example of discrimination against Telangana?
Professional Education
In this section, the institutions offering professional courses in Medicine and Engineering funded and managed by the State Government are taken into consideration. There has no doubt been an indiscriminate proliferation of private colleges offering these courses; but, they are mostly commercial in nature. They are, therefore, not accessible to the clientele, especially in the backward areas.
Medical Education:
A region wise breakup of the government medical colleges is given in the following table:
Table E-XI
Government Medical Colleges
Region
No.of Seats
I. Andhra:
1. Andhra Medical College (Visakhapatnam)
2. Rangaraya Medical College (Kakinada)
3. Guntur Medical College (Guntur)
4. Ragiv Gandhi Institute of medical Sciences (Srikakulam)
5. Siddhartha Medical College (Vijayawada)
6. Sri Venkateswara Medical College (Tirupathi)
7. Government Medical College (Kurnool)
8. Government Medical College (Ananthapur)
9. Ragiv Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences (Cudappa)
150
150
150
100
100
150
150
100
150
Total Seats
% of Total Seats
% of Entitlement 1200
66.67
59.31
II. Telangana:
1. Osmania Medical College (Hyderabad)
2. Gandhi Medical College (Hyderabad)
3. Kakatiya Medical College (Warangal)
4. Ragiv Gandhi Institute of medical Sciences (Adilabad)
200
150
150 100
Total Seats
% of Total Seats
% of Entitlement 600
33.33
40.69
A.P. Total 1800
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education.
It clarifies that the distribution of these colleges is not in proportion to either the number of districts or the population of a region. While the four districts of Rayalaseema, have four colleges, the Telangana region comprising ten districts has, paradoxically, the same number of colleges. Thus while the Rayalaseema with a population of 17. 73% has access to 30.55% of total seats; the Telangana with a population of 40.69% has to satisfy itself with only 33.33% of the total seats.
It is also to be noted that out of 600 seats available in the Telangana colleges, 350 seats are available in the capital city in the two colleges established by the erstwhile Hyderabad Government. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh, these seats ceased to be the exclusive prerogative of the natives of Telangana. Such a problem does not exist in the Andhra and Rayalaseema regions.
Table XII
Government Dental Colleges
Region No. of Seats
Actual %
Entitlement %
i. Andhra:
a. Government Dental College (Vijayawada) 40
b. Government Dental College (Cudappa) 100
Total 140 77.78 59.31
ii. Telangana:
a. Government Dental College (Hyderabad)
40 22.22
40.69
Andhra Pradesh Total 180 100
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education.
The discrimination is so glaring, that it hardly needs any explanation.
Technical Education:
The region wise dispersal of institutions offering Engineering and Technical education is given in the following table:
Table-- XIII
Colleges of Engineering and Technology: Public Sector
Region No. of Seats
I. Andhra:
1. Andhra University Engineering College (Visakhapatnam)
2. JNTU (Kakinada)
3. JNTU College of Engineering (Vijayanagaram)
4. JNTU ( Ananthapur)
5. JNTU College of Engineering (Pulivendula)
6. School of Engineering and Technology, Women’s
University (Tirupathi)
7. SV University College of Engineering (Tirupathi)
8. SKD College of Engineering (Ananthapur)
9. Yogi Vemana University College of
Engineering(Poddatur)
10. College of Agricultural Engineering (Ananthapur )
11. College of Food Sciences and Technology (Pulivendula)
12. Dairy Technology Programme (Tirupathi)
410
250
300
300
300
240
260
180
300
45
20
20
Total 2625
% of Total Seats
Entitlement % 69.82
59.31
II. Telangana:
1. JNTU ( Hyderabad)
2. Osmania University College of Engineering (Hyderabad)
3. Osmania University College of Technology (Hyderabad)
4. Kakatiya University College of Engineering (Kothagudem)
5. JNTU College of Engineering (Karimnagar)
6. Dairy Technology Programme ( Kamaraddy)
290
320
100
105
300
20
Total 1135
% of Total Seats
Entitlement % 30.18
40.69
A.P. Total 3760
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education.
Note: As in the case of Medical Education the allocation of seats in the Engineering colleges is also glaringly disproportionate. While 44.29% of seats are available for 17.73% of population in Rayalaseema, the 40.69% of Telangana population has access to only 30.18% of seats in Engineering colleges. Further, out of 1135 seats available in Telangana, 710 are concentrated in the capital city alone. As explained earlier, these seats in the capital city ceased to be available exclusively for the Telangana clientele.
Admission to State Level Institutions -- Injustice to Telangana:
Admission of students to various state level universities and institutions is regulated on the basis of allocation of seats made to three areas in the State demarcated for this purpose. They are: Andhra University area covering the Coastal Andhra region, excluding Nellore district; SV University area consisting of the Rayalaseema region plus Nellore district; and, Osmania University area comprising the entire Telangana region. Therefore, Telangana’s rightful share in all these institutions should be 40.69% of the total number of seats available. But, ironically, it is restricted to only 36%; and it has been going on for decades.
The questions that arise out of this scenario are:
Can anyone assess and compensate the loss caused all these years to the youth of Telangana in the field of education, especially higher and professional education?
What would be its impact if this unjust and irrational formula continues to be operational even in the years to come?
TRS -SKC...ABT INCOME n EXPENDITURE
INCOME AND EXPENDITURE
Telangana is a victim of plunder of its financial resources in the integrated state of Andhra Pradesh.
On the eve of formation of Andhra Pradesh itself, Telangana was a surplus area with regard to its Revenue Income and Expenditure, where as Andhra was a deficit state.
Underscoring the dangers involved in the amalgamation of a surplus area with a deficit state, the States’ Reorganization Commission recommended continuance of Telangana as a separate state.
Yet, the amalgamation took place because of the manipulative politics; but it was not unconditional.
One of the conditions of merger of Telangana with Andhra was not to allow diversion of Telangana’s surplus income for the benefit of the other region. But this condition, like several others, was observed more in its breach all through.
Consequently, Telangana is lagging behind the other region in all spheres of its development.
Whenever the question of formation of
The Backdrop:
When the idea of forming the erstwhile Andhra state, segregating the Andhra area from the then composite state of
Is the proposed
Elaborating further the inadequacies of the proposed Andhra state and the difficulties it was bound to face, Dr. Ambedkar said:
“Andhra is
Source: Writings and Speeches of Dr. BR Ambedkar (Vol)
Yet,
The sales tax receipts of the Andhra region are very negligible:
As expected and explicitly expressed, the financial troubles for the newly formed Andhra state started right from the day of its inception! It is discernible from the statements made by panic-stricken political functionaries of the state government and the analyses made in the media. To cite a few examples:
Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy, the then Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra state, expressed his agony about the financial problems of the state on the floor of the State Assembly as under:
Wherever we go, the farmers are asking for irrigation and electricity facilities. Where can we fetch them from? (25-02-1954)
Now we are dragging on with a deficit of 18 crore rupees. We are not in a position to pay salaries to the staff unless the central government comes to our rescue. (05-11-1953)
Andhra Government had to borrow 6 crore rupees in the very first year of its inception. (25-01-1956)
Bezawada Gopala Reddy, the then Chief Minister of the Andhra state, too expressed anxiety over the financial plight of the new state in the following words:
Out of 22 crore rupees of revenue receipts, administrative expenditure alone is eating away 20 crores. (Andhra Assembly 15-09-1954)
He expressed similar concern outside the assembly also:
Regular payment of monthly salaries to the teachers too has become a difficult exercise.
(Andhra Patrika: 01-10-1953)
On the ongoing debate about the innumerable problems confronting the then Andhra state, a reputed Telugu daily of those times, Andhra Patrika, made these comments:
The financial condition of the
(03-12-1954)
There is a huge deficit in the revenue of the State. It is not at all possible to take up any new projects.
(09-02-1956)
Now there is no possibility of using revenue receipts for developmental works; nor is there any likelihood of it even in the coming five years. Floating loans for developmental works has become impossible.
(06-07-1955)
It was at that time the Government of India had set up the States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) in order to examine the question of reorganising the Indian states and make recommendations there for. The SRC, in its report, categorically and unequivocally recommended retention of Telangana as a separate state. In this context the SRC elaborately listed out the reasons for making this recommendation. With regard to the financial soundness of the Telangana region vis-à-vis the chronic financial deficit and uncertainty of the then Andhra state, the SRC made the following observation:
The existing Andhra state has faced a financial problem of some magnitude ever since it was created; and in comparison with Telan- gana, the existing Andhra state has low per capita revenue. Telangana, on the other hand, is much less likely to be faced with financial embarrassment… Whatever the explanation may be … the result of the unification will be to exchange some settled sources of revenue, out of which development schemes may be financed, for financial uncertainty similar to that with which Andhra is now faced. Telangana claims to be progressive and from an administrative point of view, unification, it is contended, is not likely to confer any benefit on this area. (
Such was the pathetic plight of the erstwhile Andhra state! It was a real hand to mouth struggle in the areas of finance and development. For coming out of such a mess, all hopes of Andhra leaders were pinned down on the formation of Visalandhra (the present Andhra Pradesh). But the SRC was not in favour of unsettling the financial stability of Telangana for bailing out the then Andhra state from its chronic financial instability.
A Conditional Merger:
Then, the Andhra leadership indulged in lobbying and manipulative politics. Innumerable promises of protecting the interests of Telangana were made in the event of its merger with the Andhra state. The national leadership succumbed to the pressure of the Andhra leaders and gave green signal for the merger of surplus Telangana with the deficit Andhra, subject to providing several statutory safeguards to the people of Telangana. It was made abundantly clear that the merger was neither unconditional nor would it be eternal. The political leaders of Telangana (not the people) trusted the national leadership and entered into an agreement which has come to be known as the Gentlemen’s Agreement. One of the important clauses of that Agreement was to prohibit the diversion of Telangana revenue surpluses to meet the deficit of Andhra region. The relevant clause reads as follows:
The expenditure of the Central and General Administration of the State should be borne proportionately by the two regions and the balance of income from Telangana should be reserved for expenditure on the development of Telangana area.
Violation of Conditions:
But the violation of this clause, along with several other clauses of the Gentlemen’s Agreement, started from the very first day of the formation of Andhra Pradesh by the very same gentlemen who inked their signatures on the Agreement. These violations included, among other, the diversion of the revenue surpluses of Telangana to meet the deficit of Andhra region. Regarding the quantum of Telangana revenues diverted to the Andhra area, it was established by the enquiries instituted by the Government of India and the State Government that between 1.11.1956 (i.e. the day of formation of the State) and 31.03.1957, spanning a period of just five months, more than 41% of the Telangana revenue income was diverted to the Andhra region (See Table II) to meet its insurmountable financial problems. And this illegal and unethical diversion did not stop with those five months; it continued unabated. This became one of the principal reasons for the revolt of people of Telangana in 1968-69 and reiteration of their demand for separation of Telangana from the forced merger with Andhra.
Telangana Surpluses – Pre 1969 Scenario:
Consequently, the governments of the time at the Centre and in the State were compelled to assess the quantum of Telangana surpluses diverted to Andhra region for the period from 01.11.1956 to 31.03.1968. The first exercise on this count was done by K. Lalit, an Officer on Special Duty, deputed by the Comptroller and Auditor General of
| Table - I | |||||||
| Revenue Receipts of Andhra and Telangana from 1-11-1956 to 31-3-1968 | |||||||
| (Rs. In Lakhs) | |||||||
| S.No. | Year | Andhra | % of Total | Telangana | % of Total | Total | % of Total |
| 1 | 1956 - 57 | 1,450.01 | 57.00 | 1,093.88 | 43.00 | 2,543.89 | 100 |
| 2 | 1957 - 58 | 3,987.84 | 63.98 | 2,244.79 | 36.02 | 6,232.63 | 100 |
| 3 | 1958 - 59 | 4,085.05 | 60.50 | 2,667.18 | 39.50 | 6,752.23 | 100 |
| 4 | 1959 - 60 | 4,743.30 | 57.88 | 3,451.10 | 42.12 | 8,194.40 | 100 |
| 5 | 1960 - 61 | 5,176.53 | 60.69 | 3,352.36 | 39.31 | 8,528.89 | 100 |
| 6 | 1961 - 62 | 4,766.00 | 55.57 | 3,810.83 | 44.43 | 8,576.83 | 100 |
| 7 | 1962 - 63 | 6,027.51 | 57.22 | 4,506.55 | 42.78 | 10,534.06 | 100 |
| 8 | 1963 - 64 | 7,567.08 | 59.78 | 5,091.79 | 40.22 | 12,658.87 | 100 |
| 9 | 1964 - 65 | 7,780.57 | 59.14 | 5,375.91 | 40.86 | 13,156.48 | 100 |
| 10 | 1965 - 66 | 7,769.37 | 56.07 | 6,087.29 | 43.93 | 13,856.66 | 100 |
| 11 | 1966 - 67 | 8,681.33 | 55.21 | 7,044.00 | 44.79 | 15,725.33 | 100 |
| 12 | 1967 - 68 | 9,866.16 | 59.48 | 6,720.47 | 40.52 | 16,586.63 | 100 |
| Total | 71,900.75 | 58.29 | 51,446.15 | 41.71 | 123,346.90 | 100 | |
Source : Report on the Quantum of Telangana Surpluses (Kumar Lalith Report) Govt. of A.P.,1969
It is clear that the contribution of Telangana to the State’s Revenue receipts was, on an average, 41.71% of the total receipts during the initial 12-year period of State’s existence, as against 58.29% of the other region. It should be remembered that the population of Telangana during that period was around 35% of total population of the State, while that of Andhra was about 65%. It means that the per capita tax effort was higher in Telangana than in Andhra.
Table - II
| Transfer of Telangana Surplus Revenue Income to Andhra from 1-11-1956 to 31-3-1968 (Rs. In Lakhs) | ||||
| | | | (Rs. In lakhs) | |
| Year | Receipts | Expenditure | Surplus Transferred | % of Revenue Transferred |
| to Andhra | to Andhra | |||
| | | |||
| 1956 -57 | 1,093.88 | 644.58 | 449.30 | 41.07 |
| 1957- 58 | 2,244.79 | 1,896.67 | 348.12 | 15.51 |
| 1958- 59 | 2,667.18 | 2,242.69 | 424.49 | 15.92 |
| 1959- 60 | 3,451.10 | 2,598.16 | 852.94 | 24.72 |
| 1960- 61 | 3,352.36 | 3,000.34 | 352.02 | 10.50 |
| 1961- 62 | 3,810.83 | 3,381.37 | 429.46 | 11.27 |
| 1962- 63 | 4,506.55 | 3,837.69 | 668.86 | 14.84 |
| 1963- 64 | 5,091.79 | 4,228.95 | 862.84 | 16.95 |
| 1964- 65 | 5,375.91 | 4,764.70 | 611.21 | 11.37 |
| 1965- 66 | 6,087.29 | 5,555.39 | 531.90 | 8.74 |
| 1966- 67 | 7,044.00 | 6,376.45 | 667.55 | 9.48 |
| 1967- 68 | 6,720.47 | 6,526.31 | 194.16 | 2.89 |
| Total | 51,446.15 | 45,053.30 | 6,392.85 | 12.43 |
Source : Report on the Quantum of Telangana Surpluses (Kumar Lalith Report) Govt. of A.P., 1969
It is also clear that the diversion of Telangana revenue income to the Andhra region went on throughout that period, unabated. During the very first year and itself, it was a staggering 41.07% of Telengana revenues. During 1956-57 1967-68 it was, on an average, 12.43% .
The condition stipulated in the Gentlemen’s Agreement was essentially related to the Revenue Income and Revenue Expenditure and the resultant Revenue Surplus or Deficit. It was not very much relevant to the Development Expenditure. According to the norms laid down by the Planning Commission and the Government of India, the major determinants of allocation for development expenditure are: population, geographical area, per capita tax effort and per capita income. At that point of time the population of Telangana was more than 35% of the State’s population. The per capita tax effort of Telangana was higher and the per capita income was lower, as compared to the Andhra region. On all these counts the Telangana region was entitled to around 40% percent of the allocation out of the total development expenditure of the State for that period. But, while computing the Telangana surpluses vis-à-vis the development expenditure, it was strangely restricted to 33.3% of the total expenditure. It was not even proportionate to the population of the region; leave alone the area’s higher per capita tax effort and lower per capita income. As a result, the quantum of Telangana surpluses determined was far lower than what the region was legitimately entitled to.
Whatever be the figures arrived at, the indisputable fact underscored by Lalit and Bhargava Committees was the blatant and constant diversion of Telangana income to the Andhra region violating all the norms laid down, all the safeguards given and all the agreements arrived at as pre conditions for the merger of Telangana with Andhra. Thereby the colossal recurring damage caused to the development of Telangana cannot be easily assessed. It was aptly summed by the Bhargava Committee in the following words:
If the amounts of surplus found which remained unspent in any year had actually been spent in that very year or in the year succeeding, the amount of development which could have been brought about by such amount could have been much larger than would be possible on 31st March 1968 or thereafter. The obvious reason is that there has been a continuous rise in the price level. The result of this rise in prices is that, for doing the same amount of development work which could have been done earlier, the amount that will have to be spent after 31st march 1968 would be very much larger… If these amounts had been spent in those very years when they were available for development, the prompt execution of the works of development would have given its own return and that return would have further accelerated the pace of development.
(Report of the Bhargava Committee)
These observations of the Bhargava Committee get reflected in various spheres of development that has taken place in the Andhra region at the expense of the Telangana region. For instance:
i) By the time the state of Andhra Pradesh was formed, two major irrigation projects of Andhra area namely, the Godavari barrage at Dhavaleswaram and the Krishna barrage at Vijayawada were dilapidated and needed immediate renovation and reconstruction. The then Andhra state was totally bankrupt and was completely helpless to take up those works. The merger of Telangana became a boon for the Andhra region. The surplus revenues of Telangana came handy to the Andhra bosses of the new state. These two projects which were almost dead were not only reconstructed but the ayacut was also substantially increased. These two projects put together now irrigate more than 25 lakh acres in karif and nearly half of it in rabi.
ii) Had those surpluses of Telangana region been spent on the Sriram Sagar Project, at least half of the Telangana region would have become prosperous – perhaps more than the now affluent delta region. The construction of Sriram Sagar Project was deliberately kept in abeyance to facilitate the diversion of Telangana surplus revenues to the Andhra region. It is now more than four decades that the work on this project was initiated; but not even half of it is completed. Out of 20 lakh acres of ayacut proposed to be brought under this project, not even 5 lakh acres get irrigation facilities, that too for one crop, even to this day.
Will the powers that be able to assess the recurring and cumulative loss caused to Telangana on this score?
Who will be able to determine the quantum of compensation and who will pay it to undo the colossal damage done to the region and its people?
Telangana Surpluses – The Post 1969 Scenario:
The experience of the people of Telangana in the integrated state of Andhra Pradesh was so bitter, during the initial twelve year period itself. In order to prevent the recurrence of similar experience regarding the income and expenditure of the Telangana region, it was reiterated that all the details of the income and expenditure for Andhra and Telangana regions should be shown separately in the annual budget of the State. It was followed for a couple of years; but was given up abruptly without any valid reasons. As a result, the Andhra bosses got a free hand to do anything to deprive Telangana of its rightful share in the financial allocations. And everything went on unnoticed, and is still going on clandestinely. It has not stopped at that. On the contrary, the Andhra leadership has been arguing, day-in and day-out, that the Telangana region is getting a lion’s share in the financial allocations while the other regions are foregoing their rightful share. Ironically, and also sadly, the Telangana leadership never dared to question this untenable claim of the Andhra leadership; obviously for its own survival. As a result, the damage caused today to the Telangana region from 1970 onwards is much more than the damage done during the preceding spell of 12 to 14 years. The fact, even to this day, is that the financial resources which legitimately belong to Telangana are being diverted for the development of other regions. In the absence of related details in the budget statements and lack of transparency in the functioning of the State Government, one has to decipher the details from a variety of other documents.
Rosaiah’s Statement – An Analysis:
An analysis on this count is made on the basis of the statement made by K. Rosaiah on the floor of the State Assembly in March 2007. It clearly establishes the fact that the revenue income of Telangana is more than that of the other regions put together; and, the expenditure incurred in this region is far less than its income. Rosaiah tried to camouflage the issue, yet he could not cover up the stark realities.
The Details:
Five members of the AP Legislative Assembly asked the then Finance Minister, K. Rosaiah, to furnish the region-wise details of revenue income and expenditure for a period of three years. In reply to this question the Finance Minister placed details on the table of the House, during its Budget Session in March 2007. They could be seen in Tables III and IV:
Table-III
a) Revenue:
| | Region | Year-Wise Revenue (Rupees in Crores) | |||
| 2003-04 | 2004-05 | 2005-06 | 2006-07(Jan/07) | ||
| 1. | Andhra | 2796 | 3494 | 3702 | 3690 |
| 2. | Rayalaseema | 730 | 867 | 1004 | 987 |
| 3. | Telangana | 5565 | 4725 | 5935 | 6093 |
| 4. | Head quarters | 5095 | 8311 | 9708 | 9319 |
| | Total | 14186 | 17397 | 20349 | 20089 |
| 5. | Others | 3220 | 3283 | 4055 | 4980 |
| 6. | Grand Total | 17406 | 20680 | 24404 | 25069 |
Source: LAQ NO.7406 (Starred) of A.P. Legislative Assembly Session – 9
Table-IV
(b) Expenditure:
| S.No | Region | Year-Wise Plan Expenditure (Rupees in Crores) | |||
| 2003-04 | 2004-05 | 2005-06 | 2006-07(Jan/07) | ||
| 1. | Andhra | 3848 | 3799 | 4532 | 3489 |
| 2. | Rayalaseema | 2150 | 2411 | 2684 | 2881 |
| 3. | Telangana | 5158 | 5546 | 711 | 5987 |
| 4. | Head Quarters | 706 | 893 | 976 | 682 |
| | Total | 11862 | 12649 | 15303 | 13039 |
Source: LAQ NO.7406 (Starred) of A.P. Legislative Assembly Session - 9
The statement made by K. Rosaiah Is analysed in two parts: one pertains to Revenue Income and the other to Expenditure.
Revenue Income:
The region-wise break up given by K. Rosaiah is not only intriguing but is also inexplicable. It is not clear as to on what basis and with what authority he had segregated headquarters from the rest of the Telangana region. It goes contrary to the established policy of the State Government contained in Letter No 7193/68-1 dated 03.02.1969 of the Finance Secretary of the State Government which inter alia elaborated the principles of computing the income of different regions. The relevant extract of the Letter says:
The receipts accruing in the respective areas will be credited to those regions while the receipts at the headquarters will be credited to the Telangana region except in cases where they specifically relate to Andhra region.
Similarly the Finance Minister had not given the region-wise breakup of the receipts under the Head ‘Others’. These two are evidently aimed at artificially trimming the revenue income of Telangana. In spite of this jugglery, he could not hide the fact that even if the income of the Headquarters is not taken into account, revenue receipts of Telangana continue to be far higher than the revenue receipts of Andhra and Rayalaseema regions put together. It could be clearly seen in the following Tables:
| Table – V Region wise Brake up of Revenue Income Excluding | ||||||
| | ||||||
| S. No | Region | Year-Wise Revenue (Rupees in Crores) | |||
| 2003-04 | 2004-05 | 2005-06 | 2006-07(Jan/07) | ||
| 1. | Andhra | 2796 (30.75%) | 3494 (38.45%) | 3702 (34.78%) | 3690 (34.26%) |
| 2. | Rayalaseema | 730 (8.02%) | 867 (9.54%) | 1004 (9.43%) | 987 (9.16%) |
| | Total of Andhra & Rayalaseema | 3526 (38.77%) | 4361 (47.99%) | 4706 (44.21%) | 4677 (43.42%) |
| 3. | Telangana | 5565(61.23%) | 4725 (52.01%) | 5935 (55.79%) | 6093 (56.58%) |
| | Total of Regions | 9091(100%) | 9086(100%) | 10641(100%) | 10770(100%) |
By furnishing these figures, K. Rosaiah had admitted that even without reckoning the revenue receipts of the Headquarters, Telangana’s contribution to the State’s revenues is far higher when compared to the contribution of the other two regions, put together or separately as detailed below:
| Telangana between 61.23% and 52.01% |
| Andhra between 38.45% and 30.75% |
| Rayalaseema between 09.54% and 8.02% |
| Andhra & Rayalaseema between 47.99% and 38.77% |
What more evidence is required to prove that the contribution of Telangana to the State’s Revenues is always higher than the other two regions, even after showing the income of the Headquarters separately?
If the incomes of the Headquarters and Telangana are taken together, and rightly so, the contribution of Telangana on one hand, and Andhra and Rayalaseema put together on the other, the position would be as shown in Table VI:
| Table – VI Region wise Brake up of Revenue Income Including | |||||
| S. No | Region | Year-Wise Revenue (Rupees in Crores) | |||
| 2003-04 | 2004-05 | 2005-06 | 2006-07 (Jan/07) | ||
| 1. | Total of Andhra & Rayalaseema | 3526 (24.05%) | 4361 (25.06%) | 4706 (23.12%) | 4677 (23.28%) |
| 2. | Total of Telangana with Head Quarters | 10660 (75.95%) | 13036 (74.94%) | 15643 (76.88%) | 15412 (76.72%) |
| | Total of AP | 14186(100%) | 17397(100%) | 20349(100%) | 20089(100%) |
Therefore, the contributions of two principle regions of the State to the State’s revenues are as under:
| Telangana between 76.88% and 74.94% |
| Andhra & Rayalaseema between 25.06% and 23.12% |
If the region-wise details of Receipts under the Head ‘Others’ also are provided, the contribution of Telangana is bound to go still further up.
a) Plan Expenditure:
With regard to expenditure the information given by Rosaiah consists of only Plan Expenditure and not Revenue Expenditure. The purpose of not revealing the details of Revenue Expenditure is, obviously to hide the fact of overspending in Andhra region more than its Revenue Income permits and also to conceal the fact of under spending in Telangana, in spite of a higher level of Revenue Receipts in the region. In the absence of details of Revenue Expenditure, an assessment is made about the quantum of Plan Expenditure vis-à-vis the levels of Revenue Income. It could be seen in Table VII:
b) Expenditure:
| S. No. | Region | Revenue Income | Plan Expenditure | Excess(+) or Shortfall(-) of 4 over 3 |
| (1) | (2) | (3) | (4) | (5) |
| 1. | Andhra | 13,682 | 15,668 | 1,986(+) |
| 2. | Rayalaseema | 3,588 | 10,126 | 6,538(+) |
| 3. | Telangana | 22,318 | 17,402 | 4,916(-) |
| 4. | Head Quarters | 32,433 | 3,257 | 29,176(-) |
| | Total | 72,021 | 52,853 | 19,168(-) |
Source: LAQ NO.7406 (Starred) of A.P. Legislative Assembly Session – 9
The points to be noted here are:
i. During the period chosen by Rosaiah, Plan Expenditure in Andhra and Rayalaseema is far in excess of the Revenue Income of those regions.
Where that money has come from?
ii. During the same period, the Plan Expenditure in Telangana is far less than what the Revenue Income of the region facilitates.
Where that money has gone?
iii. The Plan Expenditure in the Headquarters, for the said period is far, far below its Revenue Income.
What has happened to that huge component of Revenue Income? In which region and for what purpose it was spent?
Answers to these questions will show as to which region is denied of its rightful share and which region is the beneficiary.
What about the Income from the sale of Telangana lands?
Another important factor which does not figure in the statement of Rosaiah is the income, running into several thousands of crores of rupees, accruing through the indiscriminate sale of Telangana lands, especially in and around the city of
Telangana’s Contribution to State’s Exchequer:
In this context the primary reasons for higher contributions of Telangana to the revenue income of the State need to be perused.
The Sales Tax receipts and Excise Collections constitute a substantial part (around 80%) of the State’s revenues; and the Telangana region is the major contributor to both these heads. To substantiate this position, region-wise details pertaining to Sales Tax receipts and Excise Collections for a few years, as an example, are furnished in Table VIII:
Table – VIII
Region-Wise Breakup of Sales Tax Collections
| S.No | Region | Collection | Percent of Total |
| 1 2 | Andhra & Rayalaseema Telangana | 2000-01 (Rs in Lakhs) 139,843.33 433,796.29 | 24.38% 75.62% |
| 3. | AP Total | 573,639.62 | 100% |
| 1. 2. | Andhra & Rayalaseema Telangana | 2003-04 (Rs in Lakhs) 179,211.75 583,902.25 | 23.48% 76.52% |
| 3. | AP Total | 763,114.00 | 100% |
| 1. 2. | Andhra & Rayalaseema Telangana | 2005-06 (Rs in crores) 206,983.75 646,370.94 | 24.26% 75.74% |
| 3. | AP Total | 853,354.69 | 100% |
Source: Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Govt. of AP; Statistical Abstracts of the Years concerned
Table – IX
Excise Collections in Telangana vis-à-vis the Total Collections in the State
(Rs. In Crores)
| S.No | Year | Total Collections (AP) | Collections in Telangana | % Of Telangana |
| 1 2. 3. | 2008-09 2007-08 2005-06 | 5753.43 4056.86 3436.63 | 4077.45 2966.13 2460.63 | 70.86% 73.11% 71.6% |
Source: Office of the Commissioner of Prohibition and Excise, Govt. of AP.
It is clear that the Sales Tax Receipts and Excise Collections together contribute nearly 80% of the State’s own tax revenues. State’s own taxes include, besides Sales Tax and Excise Collections, Taxes on Motor Vehicles, Stamps and Registration. Land Revenue, Professional Tax, Electricity Duty, NALA etc. This aspect is amplified in the following Table:
Table –X
Share of Sales Tax and Excise Collections in the Total Revenue from State’s Own Taxes
(Rs. In Crores)
| S.No | Year | Total Collections (AP) | Share of ST & Excise | % Of Total Tax Revenue |
| 1 2. 3. | 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 | 33358 28794 23926 | 27605 23067 18904 | 82.75% 80.11% 79.01% |
Source: Socioeconomic Survey, 2009-10; Planning Department, Govt. of AP
It is evident that the revenues from other taxes of the State Government constitute only a minor part of the total revenue of the State’s Taxes.
In addition to the State’s own tax and the non-tax revenues, there will be a flow of resources from the Central Government. These flows include, among others, devolution of share in the central taxes and grants based on the recommendations of the Finance Commission, grants and assistance from the Planning Commission, funds for externally aided and centrally sponsored schemes.
While determining the state’s share in central taxes and grants-in-aid, the Finance Commission gives sufficient weightage to the backward regions within the state. Therefore, Telangana is entitled to a higher share in these revenues as well.
All these factors clearly establish that around ¾ th of Revenue income from the State’s own tax revenues and non-tax resources is contributed by the Telangana region. Regarding the share of Telangana in the flow of resources from the Central Government, it cannot be in any case less than 50% if the norms laid down by the Finance Commission and Planning Commission are scrupulously adhered to. The sum and substance of this entire scenario is that the contribution of Telangana to the State’s exchequer is more than the contribution of Andhra and Rayalaseema put together.
Expenditure on Telangana:
But the vital question to be answered is as to what proportion of these resources is spent for the Telangana region? There was a possibility of assessing this aspect until early 1970s because of the condition to show the details of region-wise income and expenditure, separately, in the annual budgets of the State. The State Government abruptly and arbitrarily abandoned this practice for the reasons that are so obvious. Therefore, a different methodology needs to be adopted to make an assessment.
Under the alternative method, evaluation can be made not necessarily on the basis of actual expenditure incurred, but also on the basis of targets achieved in physical terms. For instance, in the field of canal irrigation it could be a region-wise breakup of the extent of area getting irrigation facilities through that canal system under major and minor irrigation projects built and maintained by the Government. By any logic the ratios of land under canal irrigation between the regions will also reflect the ratios of expenditure as well. Similarly, the proportion of expenditure can be evaluated by the number of units on which the government spends, such as the number of teachers working in the institutions managed and aided by the government, the number of students studying or number of seats available in government funded educational institutions. In some cases figures relating to actual expenditure incurred can be culled out from the orders of the government issued periodically or sporadically to release funds for various activities of the government.
By adopting this methodology an assessment is made to arrive at the ratios of expenditure between Andhra and Telangana regions in certain vital spheres of State’s activity. In this context it is to be kept in view that the population of Telangana is about 41% of the State’s total population. Geographically it covers 41.67 % of the total area of the State. The region’s contribution to the State’s exchequer is substantially more than that of the other regions.
a) Canal Irrigation:
The Directorate of Economics and Statistics publishes, every year, the details regarding the area irrigated by different sources. Canal Irrigation is a major segment and the entire expenditure of constructing major and medium irrigation projects together with the canals and also their maintenance is borne by the government. Spending on irrigation projects is always a major component of the government’s expenditure. It is needless to say that distributive justice among the regions should be ensured in this regard. But the facts and figures published by the Government itself are appalling. During the year 2007-08 a total of 16, 10,000 hectares were irrigated under canal system. Out of this the area irrigated in Telangana was 2, 22,000 hectares, i.e., a mere 13.79%. Even during the best of times, it was, at the most, 18%.
Does it not mean that out of the total expenditure incurred on major and medium irrigation projects, Telangana accounts for less than 1/5 th of it?
b) Social Welfare:
The government spends huge amounts on social welfare programmes. Most of these programmes are regulated through the white ration cards issued to the people who are below the poverty line. The schemes include provision of subsidized rice, kerosene, sugar, housing, pensions, medicare (Aarogyasri) and so on. The white ration card has thereby become an important identification card for availing of the benefit of these schemes. Now the question is: What should be the number of cards issued in a region? It should naturally be related to the population of the area and poverty levels therein. The population of Telangana area is about 41%. Therefore the number of white ration cards issued in the region should be at least 41% of the total number of cards issued in the state, if not more, because of relative poverty factor in the region. But the number of white ration cards issued has all along been around 36-37%, according to the figures published by the Government. Consequently, the loss to the poor people of the region could be seen hereunder:
i) White ration cards 36-37%
ii) Subsidized Rice 37%
iii) Housing (Indiramma Houses) 33.85%
Sources: Socioeconomic Survey, 2009-10; Planning Department, Govt. of AP Directorate of Economics and Statistics
Medicare (Rajiv Aarogyasri) Figures are easily not available: but situation cannot be different as it also is dependent on the white ration cards.
c) Education:
i) Collegiate Education:
It is well known that the salary component paid to the teaching and supporting staff of these institutions constitutes more than 90% of the total expenditure. The region-wise details of staff working in such institutions and thereby the extent of expenditure incurred on them culled out from the official statistics for the year 2007-08 are given hereunder:
Table –XI
Number of Teachers in Government and Aided
| S. No | Region | No. of Teachers | Actual % | Entitlement % |
| 1. | Andhra | 8828 | 70.5 | 59.31 |
| 2. | Telangana | 3709 | 29.50 | 40.69 |
| 3. | Andhra Pradesh | 12,537 | 100 | 100 |
Source: Statistical Abstract, 2008; Directorate of Economics and Statistics, AP
A look at the quantum of Grant-in Aid released by the State Government to Private-Aided Colleges for the year 2008-09 throws some more light in this regard. It could be seen in the following Table:
Table –XII
Grant-in-Aid Released to Private Aided Degree Colleges (2008-09)
| S. No. | Region | Grant-in-Aid(in Rupees) | Actual % | Entitlement % |
| 1. | Andhra | 1,521,445,289 | 75.25 | 59.31 |
| 2. | Telangana | 49,89,60,900 | 24.75 | 40.69 |
| | Andhra Pradesh | 202,14,05,189 | 100 | 100 |
Source: Commissionerate of Collegiate Education, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh
This disparity has been there ever since the formation of Andhra Pradesh.
ii) University Education:
There are six (old) universities with regional jurisdictions offering facilities of general education. The disparities with regard to Per Capita Block Grant could be seen in the following Table:
Table –XIII
Per Capita Block Grant to the Six Old Universities (2004 to 2009)
| S. No | Region | University | Per Capita Block Grant |
| (In Rupees) | |||
| 1. | Andhra | I. Andhra | 35,500 |
| | II. Nagarjuna | 22,700 | |
| | III. Sri Venkateswara | 37,500 | |
| | IV. Sri Krishna Devaraya | 25,000 | |
| | | Avarage per capita | 30,175 |
| 2 | Telangana | i. Osmania | 17,400 |
| | | ii. Kakatiya | 14,000 |
| | | Average per capita | 15,700 |
Source: Budget Documents for the Years 2004-2009 presented to the AP Assembly
This has been going on for the last five decades.
iii.) Professional Education:
Cost-wise professional education, especially in the areas of Medicine and Engineering is the most expensive component of the system. Every additional seat enormously adds to the expenditure. The region-wise expenditure naturally depends upon the number of seats available in every region. Therefore, a perusal of region-wise breakup of seats in these courses also connotes the ratio of expenditure. Tables XIV presents this picture.
Table –XIV
Disparities in Facilities of Professional Education
| S. No. | Courses | No. of Seats | ||||||
| Total (AP) | Andhra | % of Total | Entitlement % | Telangana | % of Total | Entitlement % | ||
| 1 | Medicine | 18,000 | 1200 | 66.67 | 59.31 | 600 | 33.33 | 40.69 |
| 2 | Engineering | 3,760 | 2,625 | 69.82 | 59.31 | 1,135 | 30.18 | 40.69 |
Source: AP State Council of Higher Education
This has been the scenario, all through, not withstanding constant protests, agitations going on in the State, demanding the separation of Telangana from Andhra Pradesh.
d) Crop Insurance:
Table XV
Crop Insurance Fund Allocation for the year 2008 - 09
(Rs. In Lakhs)
| SNo. | Region | Amount Released | % |
| 1. | Andhra & Rayalaseema | 77,897.33 | 97.23 |
| 2. | Telangana | 2,223.14 | 2.77 |
| | Total | 80120.47 | 100 |
Source: Agricultural Insurance corporation of India
This discrimination is persistent; in fact, the Telangana region should get a major share of this fund as the region is more prone to frequent crop failures. What is important to underscore here is the audacity of the State Government to pursue its blatantly discriminative policies even in the midst of an intensified agitation in Telangana.
Table XVI
NABARD Funds 2008 – 09
(Rs. In Lakhs)
| S. No. | Region | Amount Allocated | % |
| 1. | Andhra & Rayalaseema | 12,236.42 | 93.79 |
| 2. | Telangana | 809.72 | 6.21 |
| | Total | 13,046.14 | 100 |
Source: G.O. Rt. No. 1845 dated 11-12-2009 of PR & RD Department, Govt. of A.P.
e) Agricultural Loans:
Table XVII
Long Terms Loans by AP Co-operative Bank (2006 - 07)
(Rs. In Lakhs)
| Total Loan (AP) | Andhra Share | % of Total | Entitlement % | Telangana Share | % of Total | Entitlement % |
| 13,797.96 | 10376.25 | 75.20 | 59.31 | 3421.71 | 24.80 | 40.69 |
Table XVIII
Short Terms Loans by AP Co-operative Bank (2006 - 07)
(Rs. In Lakhs)
| Total Loan (AP) | Andhra Share | % of Total | Entitlement % | Telangana Share | % of Total | Entitlement % |
| 314172.21 | 217354.41 | 69.18 | 59.31 | 96817.80 | 30.82 | 40.69 |
Source: AP State Co-operative Bank Ltd.
The cooperative sector of the State also is following the footsteps of the State Government in denying the Telangana region and its farming community their rightful share even with regard to repayable loans.
Conclusion:
These are only the samples. The situation is not different in other sectors as well. The net result is that the Telangana region is contributing more revenues to the State’s exchequer than the other regions; and, in turn, its getting far less than what it is entitled to in the realm of expenditure. It has been going on for more than half a century, causing immeasurable damage to the economy and people of the region. To epitomize it in one phrase the region has been “plundered”. It is nevertheless, not an unexpected development. The SRC itself was prophetic by observing,
One of the principal causes of opposition to Visalandhra also seems to be the apprehensions felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the Coastal areas...The real fear of the people of Telangana is that if they join Andhra they will be unequally placed in relation to the people of Andhra and in this partnership the major partner will derive all the advantages immediately while Telangana itself may be converted into a colony by the enterprising Andhras”.
(SRC Report:
What had happened later to Telangana because of its merger with Andhra is precisely what was predicted by the SRC!
Now the questions before are:
i.) Will the powers that be willing to assess the recurring and cumulative loss caused to Telangana in the integrated state of Andhra Pradesh?
ii.) Will they be able to determine the quantum of compensation to undo the damage done to the region and its people?
iii.) Who will pay the compensation?
iv.) Would it be possible to correct the situation and prevent its recurrence within the integrated state of Andhra Pradesh?
The only answer to these questions and the only remedy to all the maladies is restoration of status quo ante that existed prior to 1.11.1956, i.e., FORMATION OF
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